PART 11 OF THE ZIMBABWE WE WANT DOCUMENT

Due to overwhelming demand for the church document, ‘’The Zimbabwe We Want :Towards A National Vison, ZimJournalists Arise has decided to circulate this document, for journos and any interested parties. The church initiative sparked debate when they were accused of being pro-government church movement. Televised pictures of the churchmen ‘’giggling uncontrollably’’ when Mugabe was pouring his usual venom against critics, did not endear the churchmen much, to some. However the churchmen have embarked on a roadshow to meet the MDC, non governmental organizations, etc to sell their document. President Mugabe himself was presented this document first at a Catholic University ceremony.

SECTION 5

NATIONAL ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION

5.1THE ECONOMIC POLICIES AND PERFORMANCE

At independence, the economy was war ravaged and the newly elected government was faced with serious challenges: the need for reconstruction and rehabilitation, the need to fight the economic war which would usher in a balanced ownership of the economy against a two thirds foreign ownership of invested capital, and the need to open up social services which were previously accessed by the minority regime.

The extremely high expectations from the general population did not afford the newly elected government the time for the necessary adjustments commensurate with the expected demand for goods and services. Inherent in the opening up of existing social services without corresponding economic expansion is the stretching of such services beyond their hitherto intended capacity, and their consequent inevitable deterioration. The high expectations following the liberation war were so visible that even before the new government was sworn in, the nation was engulfed in nation-wide strikes, a situation which demanded some form of fire fighting both in the social and economic front. There was need for a radical, rather leftist approach to the transformation of the economy in order to meet the high expectations. However, government was cautious in order to maintain international lines of credit , hence it remained practically right wing though rhetorically left.

However, as a result of the opening up of the economy to the international world, renewed access to international aid and borrowing from abroad, favourable terms of trade, good weather conditions, excess capacity and increased aggregate demand arising from agricultural and wage incomes, the economy experienced a major boom during the first two years of independence. Real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) grew by 11% in 1980, and 10% in 1981 (ZCTU, 2003). This economic boom resulted in the introduction of liberal policies on foreign exchange allocation, remittance of dividends and profits, and an expansionary incomes policy that contributed to macroeconomic instability.

Various economic policies and programmes were tried since independence, as Government continually tried to redress the dualism in both the social and the economic sectors which was characterized by a relatively well-developed modern sector and a largely poor rural sector. The programmes included:
•Growth with Equity policy of 1981
•Zimbabwe Transitional National Development Plan (1982-1985)
•Zimbabwe first five-year National Development Plan (1986-90).
•Economic Structural Adjustment Program (ESAP) from 1991
•Zimbabwe Programme for Economic and Social Transformation (ZIMPREST) launched in April 1998
•Millennium Economic Recovery Programme (MERP) launched in 2001
•National Economic Revival Programme (NERP): Measures to Address the Current Challenges, 2003

The multiplicity of development programmes, particularly within the second decade of the country’s independence, is indicative of the failure to reverse the deterioration of the economic situation since the 1990s. The failure to transform the economic systems at the onset of independence, largely because Government’s hands were tied by the Lancaster Agreement, made economic liberation a distant reality and a nagging problem for Zimbabwe.

5.2THE ECONOMIC CRISIS

The Zimbabwean economy is currently in an unprecedented crisis characterised by:
•High levels of inflation, currently estimated around four digit figures;
•High levels of national debt and the consequent disruption of international lines of trade;
•High levels of poverty with the rural and women fork suffering the brunt of such poverty;
•Food insecurity resulting from periodic droughts and the disruption of production within the programme of equi-distribution of land;
•High levels of unemployment as companies reduce production. This necessitates once again the phenomenon of split families, which was characteristic of the dual colonial economy, as people emigrate in search for jobs;
•Shortages of critical basic commodities on the formal market. Where such commodities are available, they are neither accessible nor affordable to the majority of the poor.
•A thriving parallel market for basic commodities. The beneficiaries of the price controls are therefore the speculators and dealers who are capitalizing on the shortages by importing the needed goods which they sell at exorbitant prices.
•A thriving foreign currency parallel market which determines the prices of imported goods;
•The production of lower quality products, as producers are, forced to reduce inputs in order to maintain profit margins against a backdrop of rising input costs.
•The criminalization of the average Zimbabwean, as people are, scrambling for survival. There is mass stress, tension and bitterness as people fail to meet their daily needs.
•The consequent politicization and militarization of the economy where government is now a major player instead of being a neutral facilitator.

5.3THEOLOGICAL REFLECTIONS
We believe that the current state of the economy in Zimbabwe is not what God intended any part of this world to be. The first Biblical account of creation is concluded with the words “God saw everything that he had made, and indeed, it was very good” (Gen. 1:31). As stated earlier, God wants us to be happy and to live fulfilling lives. When God created the world he gave to human beings everything that they needed to live well. The earth was endowed with all the means needed to live a life of happiness. Human beings were endowed with the brains to be co-creators with God as testified in advances in all areas of human development. The earth itself was created with a great deal of wealth, minerals, plants, animals, birds of the air, fish of the sea, etc. All these were entrusted to human beings to sustain their lives so that they can live happily for ever. The intervention of sin in Genesis 2 brought all the misery and greed that has impoverished other human beings while others became very rich.

In the New Testament Jesus testified that he came not to kill or destroy but that God’s people “may have life and have it in its fullness” (John 10:10). His was a holistic approach to life. Our social and economic life was equally a major concern to him, and not just the spiritual life, hence the preferential option for the poor and disadvantaged. Where there is poverty or any form of suffering there is no fullness of life.

The same holistic approach continued in the early Church. The early Christians cared for one another. They even went to the extent of selling their lands and houses and shared the proceeds to ensure that the needs of the entire community are met (Acts 2:44-45; 4:34-35). Special collections in congregations were made for the poor in order to improve the quality of their lives as well. The prophets in the Old Testament were not afraid to denounce any socio-economic injustices. The message of love which is central to the Gospel of Christ negates any unjust economic system and demands prudent economic policies that ensure an equitable sharing of the resources available to sustain life. It demands equal opportunity and access to the means of production, to jobs, to health and education facilities, the absence of which negates the individual’s participation in life in its fullness.

From a theological perspective this is what we see as the challenge faced by our nation: How do we create a socio economic environment that will enable every individual to look forward to a new day with every hope for a fulfilling life with food to eat and ability to send ones your child to school and be able to provide for one’s other physical and spiritual needs? As we search for a solution to our economic hardships, let us do it in humility and in the spirit of God’s love for us and for one another, and in the light of the core values that we have identified in order to build the Zimbabwe we want.

5.4RECOMMENDATIONS
5.4.1 Targeted Relief
Having to deal with a membership which is groaning in poverty with people failing to meet their daily needs such as food, housing and clothing, the Church recommends the provision of targeted relief assistance to distressed households, as present intervention methods are not adequately addressing these needs . An audit which will identify distressed households is necessary. Such relief must be de-politicized.

5.4.2 Policy Formulation
There is need for a broad-based formulation, implementation and monitoring of an economic policy which is owned by people. Such a policy must be inclusive, gender sensitive and responsive to the interests of all marginalized groups. It is time that the Zimbabwean people openly share a vision of their economy; a shared vision will enhance the success of a policy if the views of other consulted stakeholders are taken into account. If there is any good that might emanate from this economic depression if well managed, it is a shared vision and approach to economic management. There is need for consensus building, a springboard for development.
5.4.3 Economic stabilization
There is need for economic stabilization through the adoption of appropriate monetary and fiscal policies. There is need to reduce inflation to manageable figures, while achieving positive interest rates that will facilitate investment, hence development. It is necessary to normalize relationships with development partners for this will enhance the inflow of foreign currency, aid and investment.
5.4.4 Good governance and the creation of a facilitative environment for development
As highlighted by the ZIMPREST, fiscal discipline on the part of government is needed, and so is good governance and the elimination of corruption. Accountability is an indispensable ingredient for economic recovery. The use of the code of conduct such as the one used before is necessary.
5.4.5 Mainstreaming the informal sector
It is necessary to mainstream the informal sector dominated by the marginalized groups such as women, children and the poor in general, into the formal economy. Government must endeavour to strengthen people where they are currently eking a living, and not to be inhibitive and punitive. There is need to build bridges between people and government.
5.4.6 Sustained economic development
There is need for the eradication of poverty through sustained economic development which can be achieved by the involvement of the majority. To achieve this, it is necessary to empower people through skills training and resource redistribution to cater for those with entrepreneurial capacity and for the employment of those without the requisite skills. Zimbabwe can learn from its experience in the mid 1980s where the new farmers were provided with skills and resources; this culminated into resounding agricultural production. The involvement of all Zimbabweans will destroy the deeply entrenched enclavity while producing an integrated internally driven economy where growth is people centred and equitably shared. Participation of the stakeholders must be institutionalized.

5.4.7 Building bridges with the international community
As a Church we commit ourselves to utilize our global Church network throughout the world, particularly those related to our development partners to lobby their governments and other institutions to support Zimbabwe in the reconstruction efforts through the cancellation of our international debt and making generous grants towards the reconstruction of our economy. This will only be possible if as Zimbabweans we can speak with one voice, hence this initiative by the Church to bring about reconciliation and unite our nation.

SECTION 6

THE LAND QUESTION AS PART OF THE ECONOMY

6.1INTRODUCTION

The land question remains the single most emotive subject in our nation and its resolution will have far reaching benefits for the nation. This is so because agriculture has always been the mainstay of our country’s economy. Between 1980 and 1999, it contributed over 40% of national exports and 18% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP), employed 30% of the formal labour force and 70% of the population. Close to 50% of GDP growth depended directly or indirectly on agriculture and agro-industry .

However, the agrarian structure before independence was highly inequitable, largely along racial lines. This situation continued late into the 90s. In 1999, the large-scale commercial farming (LSCF) sector comprised 4,000 white families owning about 9,000 farms, and about 20 large agro-industrial estates. By 2000 about 400 blacks held LSCF farms while another 400 held middle sized state leasehold-to-buy farms. By contrast, over 1.2 million smallholder producer families held an average of 3 hectares each of marginal arable land with limited infrastructure, while approximately 300 000 households were landless or land short . The LSCF sector comprised 75% of the most fertile land, 90% of the irrigation and agricultural electricity resources and the bulk of various rural public infrastructural resources. Sooner or later there was bound to be some unrest resulting from the glaring inequitable distribution of land. This situation was morally indefensible and certainly needed to be corrected.

However, the process of correcting this situation has been fraught with controversy and was accompanied by a lot of pain, leaving our society highly polarized. Since 2000, the Government has been implementing the Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP) to re-distribute land to the landless. This was mainly a result of the moral obligation to redress the injustices of the past, and partly in response to the social pressures that were building as a result of the slow land reform process between 1980 and 1999. Under the FTLRP, 11 million hectares of land have been acquired and are in the process of being re-distributed. By mid 2003, 135 000 smallholder households and small to medium commercial farmers had benefited from the programme .

Between 2000 and 2003 the land redistribution process gave rise to numerous social and political conflicts on the farms and elsewhere. Some standing crops, livestock, equipment and other property were lost or affected through theft and grabbing by some opportunists. In general, the land reform process has been mired in various implementation irregularities and the misapplication of policy in some aspects . This situation, coupled with the frequent droughts during the implementation period, inadequate capacity and resource constraints of the new farmers and other external factors, contributed to a decline in agricultural production that impacted significantly on the overall economy.

However, between 1980 and 1999 Zimbabwe’s agricultural sector grew steadily, albeit slowly. The country was generally self sufficient in food production, although there were some imports, especially during drought periods. During the 1990s agriculture was increasingly liberalised, with agricultural pricing and marketing being decontrolled. Greater incentives led to the growth of diversified traditional and non-traditional commodities.

The cry for land continued. Land reforms of a gradual type were initiated from 1980 up to 1996. Government was unable to meet its targets for the land to be acquired for distribution due to the weaknesses of the Lancaster Constitution, escalating land prices, inadequate external funding of the programme, and poor cooperation from the former large scale commercial farmers. This resulted in sporadic “illegal” land occupations which sought to redress the land imbalances.

6.2BIBLICAL AND THEOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES

Our point of departure in any discussion about the land is the recognition that land is a gift from God. Human existence is inextricably bound to the land, which means that without land there can be no human existence. Every people must have a piece of land that they can call their own if they should exist at all. It is that means that God created and gave to human beings together with everything that is in it to sustain all life (Gen. 1:25 – 30). It is a gift to everybody irrespective of their ethnic background, political or religious affiliation, gender or race. This means that everybody by virtue of their being a child of God is entitled to a piece of land for shelter and as a means of livelihood. We are dealing with a fundamental human rights issue. The use of race, gender, religious or political affiliation as criteria to deprive another person or group of their right to land is contrary to the will of God, and is a clear manifestation of human alienation from God and from one another as a result of sin.

Secondly, because of sin and human greed, the Bible is full of examples where the rich and powerful grabbed other peoples’ lands, thus disempowering them and leaving them homeless, without food and other means of livelihood. With their land taken many of them became slaves of the powerful. They became economically disempowered and relegated to a life of poverty, hunger and starvation, and were completely at the mercy of the rich and powerful. A very good example is found in Nehemiah where a situation had arisen where the poor were oppressed not by an external power but by their own kindred to the extent that they had to mortgage their fields with its vineyards and homes in order to survive. The oppression was by their own kindred, hence they complained to Nehemiah: “Our flesh is the same as that of our kindred; our children are the same as their children; and yet we are forcing our sons and daughters to be slaves, and some of our daughters have been ravished; we are powerless, our fields and vineyards now belong to others” (Nehemiah 5:5). This very much sounds like our experience in Zimbabwe today where a few people have amassed land and other properties at the expense of the poor, rendering the poor even poorer.

In the biblical tradition the only way to redeem the situation was through the Jubilee whereby on every 50th year those who had grabbed or used their monitory power to take other peoples land were required to return that land to its rightful owners. Jesus began his ministry by proclaiming the Jubilee year – “the year of the Lord’s favour” (Luke 4:18-19). In His teaching the Good News is clearly linked to the liberation of the poor, the oppressed, and those suffering in many ways the restitution of their lands. In Biblical terms land restitution is seen as an integral part of freedom. The freedom of those who have been oppressed is manifest in the repossession of their land. Until the land is redeemed the people will continue to groan and to be restless; the land will continue to groan. According to Paul’s letter to the Romans the redemption of God’s people also means the redemption of all of God’s creation (Rom. 8), which in our understanding means the restoration of the land to its rightful owners.

What we are saying is that land restitution must follow the liberation of a people. It is a process that God in His love ordered in the Jubilee year for the empowerment of the poor and dispossessed. Since our God is a God of order and not chaos, that process must be done in an orderly fashion and should never be intended to make the powerful more powerful or the rich richer. There must be a deliberate preferential option for the poor in any redistribution of the land as this is in line with the divinely instituted Jubilee concept. It must not take away even that little that the poor may still possess as is often experienced. Any land redistribution must be intended to sustain life and not to destroy life and not increase the misery of the poor.

The cry for the redistribution of land is indeed a cry for justice. Our situation in Zimbabwe poses many challenges and as a nation we can benefit significantly if we respond to these challenges in the light of the Biblical understanding of land and under the guidance of our core values as articulated above.

6.3 CHALLENGES

The fast track land reform programme (FTLRP) redistributed over 80 percent of former large scale commercial farming (LSCF) farmland, and the racial distribution of access to land has been radically improved, thus redressing a key social and political problem. This process was accompanied in the immediate term by significant losses in production and of capital stock. The outcome has also entailed uneven distribution of land and infrastructure, insecurity of tenure, and the displacement of some ex-farm workers. Government increased its interventions in input, output, financial and foreign exchange markets, alongside increasing inflation and, inputs and forex shortages, resulting in reduced farm profitability of key commodities. The combination of the severe problems resulting from the land distribution program, declining profitability, poor weather, financing and inputs supply constraints and declining external aid, led to reduced cropped area, yields and outputs, and overall agricultural production decline. Agricultural production declined by about 26% between 2000 and 2004. There are two exceptions to these adverse trends: the communal areas, where despite the adverse conditions, production levels have been surprisingly resilient, declining by less than 2.5% in non-drought years and the plantation and export sectors where production has fluctuated at plus or minus 7.0%.

The Utete Report and this review show that the implementation of the FTLRP has left much to be desired, and the losses in production, capital stock, and employment have been substantial. Moreover, many intended beneficiary groups have benefited far too little from the land allocation, and decongestion of communal areas is insufficient. Perhaps the most serious problem is that former farm workers have not only been largely left out of the benefits of the land reform, but many have lost their employment, become homeless and destitute.

Most agricultural markets and institutions have been seriously weakened as a result of the changes implemented during the FTLRP period. Although new marketing institutions and processes have emerged, their effectiveness has been constrained by policies, resource gaps and weak capacities of some of the farmers. Given the differential capabilities of farmers and the fact that markets are thin in general, the weakest actors have had the least access to the limited agricultural resources and markets. These are mainly people in communal and resettlement areas, and those belonging to vulnerable social groups (HIV and AIDS) affected, women, farm workers, etc). The range of the vulnerable and poor has expanded and food insecurity has been exacerbated by drought and the land transfers. Likewise, agricultural production trends were severely reduced in former LSCF areas because of the land transfers, as well as the effects of government policy, resource gaps and drought, which led to dramatic output and yield declines.

Our assessment, however, is that there is considerable room, and a range of existing farmer and agency capabilities and potentials, to reverse these declining production trends, and that agricultural recovery can feasibly be instituted in the medium term. This will require appropriate land, agricultural productivity and economic policy reforms, various corrective measures in land reform implementation, and these will need to be accompanied by a sound social protection program.

Emerging from this review are a number of challenges that need addressing both in the short and the medium to long-term. These challenges can broadly be put into three categories. The first category is policy related, the second relates to agricultural productivity while the third category relates to the need for social protection for marginal and vulnerable members of our society.

6.3.1Land Reform and Policy

There can be no doubting the need to bring finality to the land question so as to allow agricultural recovery. For this to happen, the following policy challenges need to be seriously addressed:

Completing the Legal Transfer of Land
The delay in completing land acquisition is causing anxiety and instability in the agricultural sector (for resettled, displaced and remaining large-scale commercial farmers) with detrimental effects on productive land use. Chief among the challenges are issues of securing legally agreed land transfers and compensation for farm investments on acquired farms, as well as finalization of the acquisition process. A related issue souring negotiation of land transfers has been the broadening of farm acquisition to include moveable property such as tractors and other equipment.

Tenure Security
This is perhaps the biggest determinant of agricultural recovery in the country. There is currently a lack of clarity on the legal status of the newly created farms and this, needs to be addressed if new farmers are to invest in farming. Land rights on estates and conservancies also need to be clarified. Related to this as well is the lack of clarity in the treatment of plantations, export processing zones, specialized enterprises such as dairy, seed production operations and protected areas (forest and wildlife areas). Equally important is the question of farms that are under Bilateral Investment Protection Agreements (BIPAs). Ambivalence on the question of BIPAs has negatively impacted on the credibility of the country regarding its preparedness to honour its international obligations.

Land Acquisition and Settlement on Special Enterprises
Related to the tenure security issue is the problem of lack of clarity in the treatment of plantation, export processing zone agro-industrial concerns, farms under government to government agreements, and specialised enterprises such as dairy, seed production operations and forestry enterprises (timber and wildlife).

Improving Equity in the Allocation of Land
Another challenge that needs to be addressed is the need to rationalise land allocations to accommodate a broad range of interest groups a number of which have hitherto been marginalized in the reform programme. Among these are the interests of women, war veterans, former farm workers and some displaced farmers who are willing to continue farming under the new dispensation. Most worrying is the seemingly unfair advantage captured by highly placed officials and those connected to them in land and water allocation over poor communal farmers and other disadvantaged groups.

Comprehensive Land Policy and Administrative Institutions Review
Finally, the wide-ranging land and agriculture sector transformation demands a comprehensive review of policies and institutional structures governing land for its effective administration and use.

6.3.2Agricultural Productivity

There is a broad range of challenges that need to be addressed if the agriculture sector is to recover. Most agricultural markets and institutions have been seriously weakened as a result of the changes implemented during the FTLRP. There is, however, considerable room, and a range of existing farmer and agency capabilities and potentials to reverse the declining production trends and recovery can feasibly be instituted in the medium term. The following challenges, however, need to be addressed:

Profitability Constraints
A combination of exchange rate controls, output price controls, marketing and trade restrictions, as well as conditions that have limited the capacity utilisation of input industries, have combined to make inputs largely unaffordable and output prices too low, negatively affecting farm viability. As discussed in the next section, restoring agricultural profitability is key to the resumption of production and investment in agriculture and to the recovery of the sector.

Water
Unclear water use partitioning following land reform, lack of financial resources to exploit available water and a lack of effective co-management arrangements for water in the resettlement areas have combined to reduce areas under irrigation with detrimental effects on yields.

Accessibility of Inputs
Agricultural inputs have largely been unavailable and expensive to all classes of farmers. Adverse macroeconomic and sectoral conditions, including high interest rates, lack of foreign currency for raw material imports, government instituted non-viable prices, electrical power cuts and limited rail capacity, all contributed to low capacity utilisation of input producing firms, leading to shortages. Input shortages, coupled with defective parastatal input allocative processes, resulted in leakage of inputs to parallel markets where prices have been unaffordable to poorly resourced farmers. The supply of seeds has been limited by acquisition of seed producing farms which has largely not been balanced by development of new capacity from within the newly resettled sector. In addition, newly resettled areas are generally under-served by private input dealerships, having to incur huge transaction costs to acquire inputs.

Limitations in agricultural machinery
The majority of land reform beneficiaries lack adequate machinery and draught power and do not have sufficient resources to acquire these in the short-term. Public equipment and draught hire services are under capitalised to fill the gap while private hire services have been slow in developing, due to a lack of technical and financial resources.

Output Marketing
A number of output marketing constraints severely limit the recovery of the agricultural sector. Grain marketing controls, and government fixed prices combined with late payment by the GMB in a highly inflationary environment, have severely reduced realisations by grain producers. Exportable crop producers also experienced low returns as a result of indirect taxing of products through exchange rate overvaluation, as well as from export bans on oilseeds which cut off the positive influence of international prices. Poor commercialisation of the communal cattle herd severely limits market opportunities at a time when the commercial beef cattle herd has gone down due to farm acquisitions. The situation is compounded by a generally slow development of output market outlets closer to the newly resettled farms.

Technology Generation and Transfer
The state of agricultural advisory services is currently limiting in its support of the transformed agricultural sector. A significant number of reform beneficiaries do not have adequate farming skills. The reforms have created an expansion of the grower base not matched by expansion of extension support. This has led, in some cases, to diversion of extension personnel from communal areas, where the need is great, to newly resettled areas. Currently, the scope for self-provisioning of knowledge services, as practiced by the large-scale commercial farmers in the past, is rather limited. In addition, the changed scales of production necessitated by farm subdivisions have made some production processes uneconomic, necessitating moving to more intensive production processes, the skills which are underdeveloped in the public agricultural knowledge services.

Farm Finance
Over the past fifteen years, smallholder farmers have experienced difficulties in accessing finance. The expansion of this farming sub-sector in the Fast Track Reform period has increased the extent of areas not covered by financial services. In the A2 schemes, unclear tenure and lack of track record in farming have been barriers to private sector provision of credit. In addition, prevailing hyperinflation has made credit financing uneconomic. Thus the bulk of available farm finance has been from government sources which have been rather limited due to fiscal constraints and been largely inaccessible to smallholder farmers due to capture by elites.

Limited Farmer Capacity
The state of agricultural advisory services is currently limiting in its support of the transformed agricultural sector. A significant number of reform beneficiaries do not have adequate farming skills.

Food Security
Droughts and land transfers have led to significant food production shortages and depleted food reserves. The general lack of foreign currency has limited the country’s ability to import food. In addition, the effects of droughts and HIV/AIDS have led to asset disposal by the chronically food insecure, further increasing their vulnerability. In urban areas, controls on maize movements have reduced access to grain from rural areas, forcing households to depend on expensive industrially milled grain.

Foreign Currency Earnings
Historically, the agricultural sector has been a major contributor to foreign currency earnings for Zimbabwe. Land transfers have, however, led to drastic reductions in tobacco, horticulture and soya bean production with detrimental effects on foreign currency earnings at a time of great national need.
6.3.3 Social Protection
Very few former farm workers were resettled in the reform program and the newly resettled farmers have, as yet, not employed significant numbers of former farm workers. Thus within the rural areas there are large numbers of former farm workers without stable means of livelihood. In all smallholder areas there is, also a large proportion of chronically vulnerable groups of households, including the old, resource poor and those affected by HIV/AIDS, whose situation is particularly precarious due to the effects of the recent droughts. The situation of these vulnerable groups is even worse in the newly resettled areas which lack essential social infrastructure including roads, health facilities, schools, retail outlets and other small non-farming industries offering social services and alternative income generating opportunities. Development of viable communities following the reforms will be difficult if such groups are not catered for. The loss of urban employment opportunities, due to closure and / or downsizing of some major industrial and commercial operations, is also a serious issue, strengthening the case for a strong social protection program.

6.4WAY FORWARD: TOWARDS FINALIZING THE LAND QUESTION
As indicated earlier, the land question has been the most emotive national question that has left our nation highly polarised. Now is the time to galvanize all our energies to bring finality to this vexatious issue in a manner that heals the wounds of the past six years. Now also is the time for the Government to show magnanimity by extending its hand in reaching out to all its citizens, regardless of political affiliation, race, gender or ethnicity to seek consensus on the way forward.

As a start, there is general recognition that the current reforms are irreversible but what is required is developing a national consensus on how best to address the outstanding issues and correct the imperfections in the land redistribution process to the benefit of all citizens who want to build their future on the land as well as to the benefit of our national economy. Our vision ought to be guided by the principle that there should be no winners and losers but rather we should all come out of this experience as winners.

The following are considered critical priorities to finalization of the land reform programme:

6.4.1Increase Tenure Security and Complete Land Reform Programme
The first priority here is the need to stabilize the farming sector by bringing finality to land acquisitions so that both the new and old farmers may feel secure on their pieces of land. A major imperative is the need to complete the legal basis of land transfer (i.e. procedures that, following agreed compensation, lead to surrender of title deeds). It is noted that the Government intends to adopt a 99 year transferable lease system as the legal foundation of land tenure in the A2 farming areas while adopting a permit tenure system as a variant of the communal land tenure system for the A1 resettlements. It is important that these issues be finalized as soon as possible. It is also observed that land acquisition and compensation remain incomplete, and existing and future allocations of land remain in dispute on many acquired farms. Land tenure security will thus hold back investment and production unless these issues are addressed as quickly as possible. Tenure security will obtain when land allocations are firmly offered to all farmers, new and old and when such farmers are accorded legal protection of such land rights.

Land tenure security is critical in this process and will require participative consultation and/or negotiation processes involving all stakeholders. It is pleasing to note that a number of consultative processes are already underway, e.g. national and provincial dialogues on land and agrarian reform, and stakeholder consultations on wildlife conservancies, forest plantations and on indigenous forest reserves. In many areas consensus could emerge quickly. Well-planned participatory processes can be carried out in a limited period of time and participation and consensus building are therefore not an insurmountable constraint to speedy action.

The currently proposed land tenure policy which differentiates the land tenure forms for A1 and A2 resettlement lands should be publicised and continue to guide administration in the mid term, during a transitional period over the next three to five years. The tenure policy for A1 farms is based on unifying their conditions of tenure with that of the communal areas, i.e. providing a form of ‘customary’ tenure for residential and arable land to individuals and group tenure for common grazing lands. But, where new self-contained A1 plots are in demand, a program to facilitate conversion should be implemented. The policy on the forms of land tenure in communal and resettlement areas needs to be thought through more deeply, along the lines of a decentralised customary tenure administration system as previously proposed by the Rukuni Commission .

6.4.2Allocation of Remaining and Additional Land.
In the short term, the Government should seriously consider implementing the following recommendations adopted from the Utete Report, particularly those that enhance equity and allow for the allocation of some larger land sizes in selected specialist land uses and enterprises in A2 and the remaining LSCF. We are concerned that the needy stakeholder groups, such as the former farm workers, women, inhabitants of selected congested communal areas, and the unemployed urban/peri-uban, have not benefited sufficiently from the land reform, while urban and other well-off and well-connected groups have benefited disproportionately in terms of quantity, quality, location, and irrigation of the land they were allocated. It is urgent that the land which remains unallocated, and additional land which will become available in the future as a consequence of downsizing of plantations, estates, conservancies, remaining LSC Farms, and oversized new A2 and A1 farms is used to correct these serious blemishes on the land reform program. A decision to reserve all the remaining and additional land to these underserved or left out categories of farmers would be a first step, followed by the design of the respective targeting rule and transparent implementation mechanisms.

We very much regret that very few former farm workers were resettled in the reform program, and many of them are now destitute. They also constitute a valuable resource in agricultural production. In the short term, to help keep this resource within the farming community, Government should excise pieces of newly resettled lands, especially those with farm compounds and social services, and develop these as local authority satellite service centres to cater for the residential and social service needs of former farm workers, new workers, retired workers and non-farm artisans. These would provide for residential plots that include small garden areas, and social services as required per capita in new resettlement schemes and should be the focus for providing common utilities such as schools, clinics and business centres for the entire resettlement population.

In the medium term, there will be a need for Government to support, for a period of about three years, the completion of the rehabilitation of displaced farm workers. Government assistance will be required (e.g. through public works programs) in housing development, Government-farm worker collaboration in developing infrastructure in the new farm worker communities (schools, roads, clinics and other amenities) as well as in developing the capacity to protect their employment condition. Government, (NGOs and donors) also need to assist in meeting the food and health needs of the very vulnerable among the farm workers.

The resettlement process created conflicts between settlers and former farm workers which need to be healed if harmony is to be restored. In the medium term, the coexistence of former farm workers and new settlers should be promoted, through counselling and mediation, to enhance unified local community structures, including social committees and development associations which encourage the integration of former farm workers and ensure that they continue to provide a valuable service to the farming communities.

6.4.3Handling of Special Enterprise Farms.
A number of farm enterprises are critical to the country’s industrial base and export potential. As such Government should strive to retain former farmers in special enterprises (e.g. horticulture, seed, agro-industrial complexes, and those under BIPAs) on right sized plots. In this regard, two issues need to be addressed simultaneously: the allocations of right sized plots to remaining white farmers, and the completion of the repossession or surrender of multiple owned plots by indigenous and white farmers.
6.4.4 Compensation.
It is important to note that real security of tenure on acquired farms may not be realised until the former owners have been fully compensated for farm infrastructure. It is also a known fact that some of the former owners actually bought their farms after independence and as such, there is a moral obligation to consider some form of compensation beyond just the infrastructure. Towards that end, constructive dialogue with the international community, especially the British Government, is critical to assist such farmers who have become innocent victims of the political impasse currently prevailing with the British Government.

6.4.5 Dispute Resolution relating to Disputed Land and Infrastructure Acquisition
There still remain considerable uncertainties in land policy and its implementation procedure resulting in disputes on many acquired farms. The complexities of settling such disputes, is very high, as each of the farms has its unique characteristics and history. Initial allocation decisions are specific to each farm, as are the real or perceived claims of those inadequately served or left out altogether. This stems both from the incompleteness of the laws, regulations and implementation mechanisms, as well as a lack of information and knowledge about these among those charged with implementation throughout the country, as well as among the population at large. It is thus imperative to get clarity on all these issues as a basis for resolving these disputes.

It is important to adopt a comprehensive and inclusive approach in addressing all the outstanding issues around the land reforms so as to begin a process of recovery for the agricultural sector and the economy as a whole. A comprehensive programme thus needs to be developed, with the participation of all stakeholders, to address all these outstanding issues. There is need to harness all available technical expertise. As stakeholders in this process, it is important that we start talking to each other, rather than to ourselves, in considering these issues. Government leadership and magnanimity in reaching out to all stakeholders is vital. In such a sensitive issue, a broadly consultative approach is more likely to yield desired results than a prescriptive approach.


SECTION 7

NATIONAL RECONCILIATION AND FORGIVENESS

7.1INTRODUCTION
The message of reconciliation through faith in Jesus Christ is at the core of the life and ministry of the Church. The incarnation is all about God who had been wronged and seriously wounded by the human rebellion against him in Adam and Eve taking the first step to bring about reconciliation between himself and humanity. In our human understanding it is the guilty party that must take the first step and seek forgiveness from the person who has been wronged. What transpired in Jesus Christ defies all human imagination and understanding of what reconciliation is all about. The Church as the bearer of that message is the instrument through which God continues to reconcile humanity and the entire creation to himself, and to reconcile people with one another regardless of race, colour of skin, or religious affiliation. The message of reconciliation is therefore at the heart of the Church and constitutes its core business.
However, reconciliation is not something that must just be proclaimed, but must be lived out, and in that way bring about social transformation as people begin to live in harmony with one another, with God, and with the entire creation. Reconciliation is about restoring broken relationships through forgiveness; it is about healing the spiritual and the physical wounds. The result can only be a peaceful environment in which people love and care for one another, live in true fellowship with God and one another, and seek nothing but the common good and the wellbeing of one another. Zimbabwe is yearning for peace and justice. At the root of that yearning is a cry for reconciliation and forgiveness.
7.2 THE CRY FOR RECONCILIATION IN ZIMBABWE TODAY
Several historical developments in our nation demand that a process towards national reconciliation be initiated so that we can begin to move in the same direction, share the same vision of the Zimbabwe we want, and begin to reconstruct our broken economy and national pride, and heal the wounds. Several issues have left the nation torn apart and must be attended to in order to reconcile the nation and to achieve consensus on the fundamental developmental issues that concern our nation. At the moment national reconciliation is indeed the key to nation building and development in Zimbabwe. What are some of the issues that have led to so much alienation of the people of Zimbabwe from one another and from the rest of the world? The following are but some of the critical ones.

7.2.1The Land Question
The land issue must be resolved once and for all. For decades the African people of Zimbabwe were very bitter about their land which had been violently taken by the colonial settlers. Twenty years after independence they continued to watch a white minority enjoy the fat of their land while many of them became more and more impoverished. On the other hand the white Zimbabwean community failed to see that their occupation of the bulk of the Zimbabwean soil could not be allowed to continue for too long because it was grossly unjust. They invested a great deal in those farms and for some of them it was their entire life savings. When the government moved to repossess the land and redistribute it to others, the white community was shattered, remained angry and is as we speak today very much hurting.

The whole land issue regretfully has resulted in the emergence of a culture of racial hatred and in the alienation of the people of Zimbabwe in the first place along racial lines. The fast track land redistribution programme created new forms of alienation because of is retributive, chaotic and racial overtones. Let us admit that many of those white people were born and bred in Zimbabwe and know no other country than Zimbabwe as their homeland. We have to live together and the only way for this to happen is through confession, reconciliation, forgiveness, and a fair redistribution of the land and all its wealth to all the people of Zimbabwe regardless of race, creed or political affiliation. For reconciliation to take place there must be consensus on how this land must be distributed as well as resolving the question of compensation.
7.2.2 The National Constitution
The constitution of this country has been a source of conflict because of its genesis and original objectives. The Lancaster House Constitution is considered to be a document designed to transfer power from a minority white regime to majority rule. It was never presented to the people in a referendum when it was crafted because the country was in a war situation. The people of Zimbabwe accepted what was negotiated by their leaders in good faith as an interim measure. Unless Zimbabweans find an alternative constitutional document where their values are well articulated, the current constitution remains one of the areas that generate serious conflict.

7.2.3Party-politics and the vision of the state/ nation
Ever since the split of ZANU from ZAPU in 1963, the people of this country have never been spared from the ugly face of political rivalry. To date politics in this country is governed by hatred and inter-party violence and killings. The coming of independence and the arms cache issue brought back the hostilities people thought had died out in the late 1960’s. The dissident element followed by the Gukurahundi response, reflect the deep-seated feelings that characterize our political landscape and this too is calling for healing. Gukurahundi is part of the politics of intolerance, which kills the desire to share political space with persons of the opposite party. Gukurahundi has left the people of Matebeleland and part of the Midlands hurting and very angry. This reflects a nation that is torn apart and this time not along racial lines but along ethnic lines. No matter how much we pretend reconciliation was achieved with the merger of ZANU PF and ZAPU in 1987, deep down the people in Matebeleland are hurting and need to know the truth about their relatives who were victims of Gukurahundi. Genuine reconciliation is possible only when the truth has been told, confession made, and forgiveness received.

7.2.4 Murambatsvina.
In May 2005, and for some months thereafter, an urban clean-up operation code-named Murambatsvina (drive out filth) took place. According to official explanations this operation was aimed at ridding our cities of filth, illegal housing and illegal businesses. These objectives are noble. However, the methods and timing of this operation have left many scars of bitterness calling for healing. The destruction of poor people's shelters and their means of livelihood before any alternatives were provided caused great suffering. Hundreds of thousands of people, including women and children found themselves with no shelter in the middle of winter and later the onset of the rain season. Some victims of this operation failed to access social services such as education, health, water and sanitary facilities.

7.2.5 State Media
Last but not least, in our catalogue of causes of our current conflict situation is the media. Our state-controlled media promotes a situation of violence by narrowing space for a meaningful reconciliation process to take place, so that it has created more confusion than solutions to the process of nation building. Like the colonial media which sought to divide Africans along ethnic, party and geographical lines, the current media is perpetuating the same, regrettably, in an independent Zimbabwe.

7.3MOTIVATION FOR RECONCILIATION

Reconciliation implies that the parties concerned both move ritually and physically from previous entrenched positions of advantage, comfort and defence to positions of discomfort, vulnerability and compromise. Generally, people fear to enter into the process of reconciliation because it leaves both parties with no claim for advantage. But there are strong motives for Zimbabwe as a nation to move to a position of reconciliation.

7.3.1Disharmony is Destructive and Disruptive
Disharmony disrupts the mind, spirit and body so that society lapses into an abnormal state of being that affects the body-politick the same way an illness does. Society loses a sense of its values and integrity and drifts into a state of chaos. The strength of reconciliation is clearly seen and demonstrated when humanity forgives each other and live as brothers and sisters (Ps 133:1).

7.3.2 Harmony Promotes Prosperity
The vision of the nation that we have portrayed in this document is not attainable without reconciliation. Both social well-being and economic prosperity presuppose harmony, tolerance of diversity and mutual acceptance.

7.4 RECONCILIATION AND RENEWAL.
In his inaugural address on Independence day in 1980 the then Prime Minister Robert Gabriel Mugabe stunned the world by declaring reconciliation as the corner stone of his government’s policy in the new Zimbabwe. The events in Zimbabwe today show that reconciliation was not achieved. We were as a nation never taken through a process where the truth was told about the pain experienced during the years of the struggle for liberation and our oppression by the colonial regime. The nation needed to end the years of conflict in a formal way by the ritual of truth telling and forgiveness. Even in our African cultures conflict was never resolved by simply believing people will forget and everything will be back to normal. It involved some ritual ceremonies that would reconcile the warring families or factions through forgiveness.
Equally important was for us to recognise from the beginning that as part of the process towards reconciliation, it was crucial for the nation to set in motion a process to address the socio-economic imbalances inherited from the past, which were a major source of the conflict. At Independence there were very high expectations for the renewal or restructuring of the socio-economic life of the nation. It could not be allowed to be business as usual. The people wanted to see change in their lives for the better and not to see the gap between rich and poor widening, with most of the wealth in the hands of the whites and a few black Zimbabweans. Reconciliation goes hand in hand with renewal of the socio-economic and political structures.
What we are saying here is that the movement towards reconciliation presupposes an equally important movement toward the creation of a just society. There can be no reconciliation without an effort to bridge the gap between the rich and the poor. A new social order has to be created. This even brings in the issue of reparations which is a biblical ethic in which those who have acquired wealth through cheating or exploitation of fellow human beings were required to return that wealth plus the interest.
The story of Zacchaeus (Luke 19:1-9) is a very classic example of what reconciliation with God demands on the part of those who want to be reconciled with God and fellow human beings. Face to face with Jesus he could not help but to be converted to a new way of looking at things and relating to others. His whole life changed and he immediately took concrete and visible action to reconcile himself not only with God but with fellow human beings and committed himself to returning whatever he had taken from others through unjust means: “Here and now I give my possessions to the poor, and if I have ever cheated anybody of anything, I will pay back four times the amount” (Luke 19:8). Only after taking that gigantic step did Jesus say to him “Today salvation has come into this house” (Lk19:9).
The same ethic is articulated in the Book of Nehemiah chapter 5. Nehemiah demanded that those among the Jewish community who had acquired their wealth through exploitation and impoverishment of their kindred should immediately take action “restore to them, this very day, their fields, their vineyards, their olive orchards, their houses, and the interest on money, wine, grain, and oil you have been exacting from them” (Nehemiah 5:11). To this challenge from Nehemiah the rich responded by saying “We will restore everything and demand nothing more from them” (Vs. 11). A deliberate action on the part of those in our society who have benefited from the exploitation of the poor by voluntarily contributing to the creation of a just society is what the Gospel of Christ demands.
This therefore is the challenge not only to our white Zimbabweans who benefited from the unjust colonial system, but to black Zimbabweans who have taken advantage of the present economic crisis to defraud, cheat, and enrich themselves through corrupt means. Setting in motion a credible process towards the renewal of our society and addressing the economic imbalances is a step in the direction of national reconciliation and forgiveness. The rich in our communities must voluntarily contribute towards that end.
As Churches in Zimbabwe we would like to identify ourselves with the position taken by the authors of the Kairos Document in South Africa in the days of the struggle against apartheid and declare that also in our situation we would regard it “ to be totally unchristian to plead for reconciliation and peace before the present injustices have been removed” since any “such plea only plays into the hands of oppressors by trying to persuade those who are oppressed to try to accept (their) oppression and to become reconciled to the intolerable crimes committed against (them). This is not Christian reconciliation, it is sin. No reconciliation is possible without justice.” We therefore sincerely appeal to our government and our former colonial masters and others who have participated injustices to seriously consider the issue of reparations as a means to build a just society in Zimbabwe in the process towards genuine reconciliation.

7.5WAYS THE CHURCH CAN ENGAGE IN NATIONAL RECONCILIATION
Since reconciliation is at the core of the Gospel that we proclaim, we are obliged by virtue of our calling as Christians to participate actively in bringing about national reconciliation in Zimbabwe. In this regard we commit ourselves in the process towards reconciling the diverse groups in this country. The Church has been spectating for a long time fearing to get dirty if it engages in ‘politics’. It is acknowledged that the process will be painful, because it is a moment of truth, when the community of Zimbabwe is being offered the opportunity to open themselves and pour out. There will be moments of anxiety, denial, and even surprises, and yet that is what it should be. Ultimately, what is important are the benefits to be derived from this. The nation is invited to enter into dialogue with humility, honesty and sincerity, but without arrogance and pomp.

Some of the ways the Church wishes to promote national reconciliation include the following:

7.5.1Church to Church Activity
We want to begin by building bridges between ourselves. We too are suffering from the effects of the conflicts and the partisan and ethnic approaches to the critical issues that divide our nation as articulated in this document. This strategy will involve inter-church programs and exchange visits which would bring people together through already existing facilities or structures such as ministers fraternal meetings. Through such structures, teaching and discussions, we will seek to reconcile people at grass roots levels as we create space for people to share their experiences in a spontaneous and friendly setting. When we are reconciled we can indeed become the salt of the earth in the communities in which we live and others can say “See how they love one another” and begin to emulate our example.

7.5.2Use of Formal Ecumenical Organisations
EFZ, ZCBC and ZCC organs and others will work together or individually on programmes and resources that promote peace. People will even be encouraged to compose songs that share the message of reconciliation and peace. Ecumenical public events will continue to be utilized for peace-building. These will include prayer breakfast gatherings, national days of prayer, street marches and other open meetings. The objective of these activities is to bring visibility to the national reconciliation process, and to invite support from the public who may not be aware of the initiative. Joint declarations of commitment to reconciliation initiatives will be made from time to time. The joint declarations may take the form of confessions where the people repent of past negative attitudes, words and actions that have fostered hatred and divisions within and among our traditions.
7.5.3 Use of Printed Material
The church will not ignore the power of the pen and visual aids. Fliers, pamphlets, notices billboards and programmes on radio and Television will be utilized to promote peace and reconciliation. .
7.5.4 Truth and Justice Commission
The truth must be told in order to heal the wounds. Many people are hurting and are raising questions and need to know what happened to their loved ones. They need to know why and who performed brutal actions against their communities or their sons and daughters. In this regard we believe that as part of the healing process the nation should explore the possibility of setting up a Truth and Justice Commission in collaboration with the Church and civil society as a whole to monitor the process and receive testimonies from the public. Coming to terms with the truth can be a painful experience, but as a nation we have to go through it as a process towards the Zimbabwe we want.


SECTION 8


CONCLUSION: WAY FORWARD


In conclusion we would like to draw attention to all the recommendations that follow each of the sections. Some of these are short term while others are long term. We however would like to single out some that we believe need immediate and urgent attention to initiate the process towards building the Zimbabwe we all want. We therefore recommend the following:

1. Since in our analysis of the different Constitution drafts produced by government and civil society there are no fundamental or ideological differences that are irreconcilable or non-negotiable, it is urgent that a Commission comprising representatives of all stakeholders be appointed immediately to come up with a democratic, home-grown Constitution utilising the information already gathered by government and civil society and submit the draft to a referendum by mid-2007. The challenge is to produce a constitution around which there is national consensus and this is only possible when everybody is brought on board in the drafting of the new constitution.

2. We believe there can never be a substitute for national dialogue process around critical issues such as land, micro-economic policies, constitutional debate, electoral framework, human rights, governance and national reconciliation. We wish to urge government to accept an inclusive consultative process on these issues. These are issues that have negatively impacted on the image of the country in the eyes of the international community. In most of these issues government tends to talk to itself rather than to its people.

3. It is critical that a credible independent Land Commission or authority be established to ensure transparent, equitable and fair land distribution. It is important that all stakeholders recognise that the on going land re-distribution process is irreversible and interested parties should buy into the process. A mechanism should be put in place to resolve all land acquisition disputes and for the reconciliation of all parties through mediation and reparation.

4. Government should immediately initiate a process in parliament to repeal or amend POSA and AIPPA in order to create an environment that is conducive to free dialogue and public debate on all issues of concern in order to bring about the healing and reconciliation as well as a rapid national economic recovery.

5. Once constitutional reforms are underway, steps must be taken to build bridges with the international community but particularly with those development partners who have significantly contributed to our development in the past. The country needs a lot of support: Balance of Payment, Trade and Investment, Technology Transfer, etc. This is only possible if government shows willingness for reforms, and there is a national consensus regarding the nature and process towards the Zimbabwe we want.

6. As Churches we pledge to use our local and global networks to help build bridges among Zimbabweans and between Zimbabwe and the international community, and mobilise spiritual and material support for the Zimbabwe We Want.


To God be the glory