VOP Trustee Arnold Tsunga Bags Another Award
Report By Human Rights Watch
Human Rights Watch will give its highest recognition to Arnold Tsunga, a courageous Zimbabwean human rights lawyer and activist whose work has highlighted the deteriorating state of human rights in Zimbabwe, on November 2.
Tsunga is the executive director of Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights, a leading human rights organization that provides legal representation to victims of human rights abuses, including human rights defenders who are often arrested and detained in Zimbabwe. Human Rights Watch has worked closely with Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights and Tsunga in documenting human rights abuses in Zimbabwe and bringing them to the attention of the international community.
"Arnold Tsunga provides a voice to those silenced by repression in Zimbabwe," said Tiseke Kasambala, researcher with Human Rights Watch's Africa division. "He has shown extraordinary courage and commitment to human rights in the face of severe persecution by the government of Zimbabwe."
A high-profile defender of the rule of law in Zimbabwe, Tsunga has often spoken out against government abuses at great personal risk. He has been the victim of numerous attacks, arrests and death threats.
In January 2006, Tsunga and five others were arrested and charged with operating a broadcasting service without a license, even though the law under which they were charged did not apply in their case. The charges appear to be yet another attempt by the government to intimidate and harass Tsunga and his colleagues. Tsunga has also been the subject of several vitriolic verbal attacks in the state-run media.
In March 2002, Tsunga was seized at gunpoint by soldiers, detained for several hours and then assaulted in front of onlookers. In September of the same year, he was unlawfully detained and threatened with a gun when he visited a police station in the town of Chimanimani to represent a client who had been abducted by government intelligence officers.
In the past six years, the government of Zimbabwe has increasingly turned to repressive and, at times, violent means to suppress criticism from the opposition and civil society. Independent media outlets have been closed down and opposition political parties have been stifled. Police and other state-sponsored agents routinely intimidate, attack and torture government critics, including members of civil society organizations, human rights lawyers, journalists and trade unionists. At the same time, the police have used repressive laws to silence critical or dissenting voices within civil society. Human rights abuses continue to take place with impunity; few perpetrators are brought to justice.
The continuing erosion of human rights in Zimbabwe was highlighted in 2005 by the government's brutal campaign of mass evictions and demolitions, which began in May and, according to the United Nations, deprived 700,000 men, women and children throughout the country of their homes, their livelihoods, or both.
Tsunga and Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights have worked tirelessly to get justice for the victims of the evictions in the domestic courts and at other regional proceedings.
On December 5, 2005, Human Rights Watch and Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights, together with four other local and international organizations, successfully pressed for an unprecedented resolution on Zimbabwe at the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights. The resolution - the first to be released by the commission on Zimbabwe - expressed its concern over the deterioration of human rights in the country, and alarm at the violations of rights resulting from the evictions.
"Through their fearless defense of human rights, Arnold Tsunga and his colleagues at Zimbabwe and his colleagues at Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights bring hope for justice to countless victims of human rights abuses in Zimbabwe," said Kasambala.
Tuesday, October 31, 2006
Rural Election Rally Numbers Mystery
Attention Journos, it seems something fishy is going on. There seems to be no results coming in. The more enterprising journos have resorted to asking individual parties how many seats they won.
Neither Zimbabwe Electoral Commission nor the Zimbabwe Electoral Support Network, seem to know even the number of wards contested with figures starting from 1 000, 1 136, 1 344, 1 244.
Rumours say ZANU-PF has won 1 266 while the MDC led by Morgan Tsvangirai is said to have 54 wards while their rival faction is said to have 45, most of which are in Midlands and Matebeleland.
How it can be that both organizations don’t have a figure on the number of wards, leaves one wondering if the figures on gains, losses or registered voters is correct
Does anyone have the right figures out there???
Attention Journos, it seems something fishy is going on. There seems to be no results coming in. The more enterprising journos have resorted to asking individual parties how many seats they won.
Neither Zimbabwe Electoral Commission nor the Zimbabwe Electoral Support Network, seem to know even the number of wards contested with figures starting from 1 000, 1 136, 1 344, 1 244.
Rumours say ZANU-PF has won 1 266 while the MDC led by Morgan Tsvangirai is said to have 54 wards while their rival faction is said to have 45, most of which are in Midlands and Matebeleland.
How it can be that both organizations don’t have a figure on the number of wards, leaves one wondering if the figures on gains, losses or registered voters is correct
Does anyone have the right figures out there???
The Issue Of Succession And Zimbabwean Journalism
The ZimJournalists Arise Team has published a number articles on the succession issue, as it believes Journos should closely examine the splits in the party more closely and its links to political jostling for Mugabe’s office. We stumbled on this article and thought it would be an interesting addition to some of the succession stories in the Zimbabwean media.
Zimbabwean journalists are indulging in a cheap and superficial kind of journalism that seeks to link everything to the question of who is to succeed President Robert Mugabe, no matter how tenuous the link, writes Geoff Nyarota in his column in the Financial Gazette.
After placing a lid firmly on any open discussion pertaining to his own departure and replacement as head of state, President Robert Mugabe set the ball of succession debate rolling back in 2003 when he said that such debate should be encouraged rather than have party leaders campaigning clandestinely.
He was addressing a Zanu-PF rally in Mount Darwin, 150 km northeast of Harare. He had then been in office for 23 years and many assumed their President was now tired of doing the same job for more than two decades without promotion.
The official Herald surprised its readers when it quoted Mugabe as stating publicly: “You must debate succession. We want to be true and open to each other and discuss as a united people.”
The succession issue has since that day spawned debate and strategies, while causing much grief, especially in the aftermath of the so-called Tsholotsho Plot, which saw a number of politicians ruthlessly marginalized on suspicion that they were plotting against the presidency, to use appropriate parlance.
A new variety of reporting has emerged in Zimbabwe. I call it succession journalism. In such journalism a succession angle, however remote, is introduced to every story, whether it be a sports report, a feature, a gender-related article, a political analysis, a business story or even a court case.
As a result, Zimbabwe’s long-suffering newspaper readers have become accustomed or, more appropriately, resigned themselves to story introductions such as: “In the latest episode of the succession campaign prosperous tycoon was arrested yesterday in connection with alleged massive fraud”. A variation would be, “Politician so-and-so of this or that succession faction seeks to divorce his wife. This is the latest development in the presidential succession saga.”
In many such articles the succession angle is usually not developed beyond the introductory paragraph. Almost invariably this paragraph is immediately followed by background material, some of it unrelated, to strengthen the dubious intervention of some so-called political analyst or observer. The stories are, as a matter of routine and ritual, characterized by such gratuitous statements as, “Emmerson Mnangagwa whose succession star is shining brightly again…”, or “Retired General Solomon Mujuru, who is on the ascendancy again . . .”. This practice leaves readers of perspicacity in doubt, whatsoever, that the articles are either planted by the succession combatants themselves or by agents acting on their behalf.
A variation of this perception is that the articles are penned by scribes with a vested interest in seeking to strengthen through their writings the prospects of one faction against the other.
Not wishing to be outdone, or shall I say, in keeping with the current practice of good succession journalism I approached the University of Zimbabwe, the main catchment area of succession analysts and unearthed one Augustine Hungwe, a political scientist. I was on the look-out for new blood, not the press-button analysts who have become household names in Zimbabwe.
Sounds Familiar
Such instant analysts will respond to press inquiries on every conceivable topic under sun. Towards production deadlines enterprising journalists, in desperate need of a story to submit to the news editor, will resort to the modern tool of journalism, the cell-phone, to place a call through to the analysts. In most cases they will not be disappointment. Some of the more accomplished analysts can be relied upon to comment upon subjects as diverse, for example, as the controversial adoption of poverty-stricken Baby Banda of Malawi by world-famous entertainer Madonna to the attributes of the latest Bentley Continental GT, without batting an eye-lid.
Experienced readers know in advance that the name of certain analysts is likely to crop into an article by the third or fourth paragraph.
My own political analyst, Hungwe, says the succession debate appears to have come to the rescue of some journalists, who on a hard day will turn any story, however remotely connected, into a succession scoop.
“Whatever the story, whatever the issue, journalists will find a link to the succession debate, however tenuous,” he says. “A succession debate syndrome has emerged and asserted itself on our journalism. Mugabe himself must laugh his head off at some of the succession headlines and linkages. But seriously this succession debate is getting out of hand.”
More Stories To More Confusion
Hungwe says the succession stories appear to be causing more confusion and generating more nationwide curiosity about the prospects of succession to Mugabe.
“The more the public reads about the succession controversy the less they seem to know about what is taking place,” he says.
Major victims of the succession debate include controversial businessman, John Bredenkamp, who the Criminal Investigation Department and Central Intelligence Organisation were said to be investigating for alleged economic crimes. Other notable victims are equally controversial entrepreneur Phillp Chiyangwa of Pinnacle Property Holdings and Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa.
“The succession battle within Zimbabwe’s ruling Zanu PF party has claimed another victim with controversial businessman, John Bredenkamp, fleeing a probe into his companies,” one publication boldly pronnounced.
The pinnacle of succession journalism was reached by one online publication, which dutifully reported on the just concluded Chinamasa trial. This particular story captured the fanciful or fertile imagination of succession journalists. The Justice Minister was put on trial on allegations that he attempted to defeat the course of justice by using his powerful position to influence the course of a case involving fellow Manicaland politician, Didymus Mutasa. While entertaining self-confessed presidential ambitions Mutasa seems to have a proclivity for behaviour totally unbefitting for a presidential hopeful.
Chinamasa is said to belong to the Mnangagwa faction in the succession battle. In a curious twist of events, Attorney-General Sobuza Gula-Ndebele who, so succession analysts say, has effectively positioned himself in the Mujuru camp, arraigned his boss, Chinamasa, before the courts.
On the eve of judgement one online publication appears to have sought to help the prosecution by delivering a devastating blow on the accused. With little regard to issues of prejudice, the publication quoted an unnamed lawyer as saying, “If indeed, it is true, as it has been claimed, that the charges are designed to bury Chinamasa’s political career, he could be convicted.”
The unnamed lawyer was then miraculously allowed to proceed: “The prosecutor made a crucial revelation in court about Chinamasa’s dark history as a senator in Ian Smith’s government. Without questioning the prosecutor’s research skills, those details look very likely to have been provided by state intelligence because it has, in my knowledge, never been disclosed in public. If that’s the case, then Chinamasa should be worried.”
In their closing arguments, state prosecutors had apparently accused Chinamasa of trying to cloud the charges against him by introducing unwarranted political dimensions to the trial.
“The accused was not brought before this court to answer allegations that he joined the Zanu-PF youth wing in 1963. The accused is not here to explain how as a Zanu-PF candidate he ended up being elected or appointed into the Rhodesian senate in 1975,” the state said in its closing submissions.
Now, assuming it is true that Chinamasa joined Zanu-PF at the youthful age of 14 or 15 in 1963, why should this issue now be elevated to the status of an allegation, deserving of denial by the said Chinamasa. I first met Chinamasa at the University of Rhodesia, if you will excuse the pun, in 1971.
While he was two years my senior he did not look at that time as one who had been a member of Zanu-PF for seven years. I believe it is unadulterated nonsense that he joined Zanu-PF in 1963 or that Zanu-PF participated in any elections in 1975.
The allegation that Chinamasa was appointed to the Rhodesian Senate in 1975 is pure malice. While the minister is not one of my favourite politicians, I would place my neck on the block in his defence in the face of such malicious falsehood. I have consulted other people who were at the university at the time. They have no recollection whatsoever of Chinamasa ever gracing the Senate with his presence. If someone comes up with irrefutable evidence of Chinamasa’s alleged defection from Zanu-PF to become a Rhodesian senator in the 70s, I will tender my sincere and unreserved apologies to all concerned.
A friend of long-standing, who refused to be identified by name, had this to say: “Methinks Chinamasa is being mixed up with our learned Chief Justice, Godfrey Guwa Chidyausiku, who was definitely a Member of Parliament but not a Senator in 1975. You will, I’m sure, recall the occasion when Chidyausiku made a fool of himself by rocking up in Parliament bedecked in a gaudy psychedelic suit.”
Meanwhile, Chinamasa was duly acquitted, raising the ire of the Attorney-General who threatened to appeal against the judgement.
This particular episode of succession journalism brought back to my mind the media situation in Malawi at the time when former Life President the Ngwazi Dr Hastings Kamuzu Banda fell from power after his country’s first democratic elections in May 1994. The Life President’s term came to an end after three decades in office, as an absolute dictator most of the period.
Malawi was served for most of that time by one daily newspaper and one Sunday paper, both of which were published by Press Holdings, a company wholly owned by Banda. When the press was emancipated after a campaign by Malawian civil society, a total of 19 new newspapers literally sprouted from nowhere in 1993 and early 1994.
Many of the papers were owned by politicians seeking to succeed Banda. Both professional and ethical standards were abandoned as newspapers of different shades of political opinion vied to deliver devastating blows on rival politicians. In bold banner headlines politicians were labelled as murderers, crooks or rapists, without a shred of evidence being offered to support such allegations.
One Malawi Congress Party (MCP)-aligned newspaper constantly referred in headlines to the president of the United Democratic Front (UDF) Bakhili Muluzi, as “Wakuba”, or the thief. The MCP was Banda’s much feared political party.
The paper had discovered that as a junior civil servant in his younger days, Muluzi had misappropriated a few kwacha. He went on to become the next President of Malawi. Malawian journalists argued that there was no time to be wasted on journalistic niceties at such a crucial period. Banda succumbed to the onslaught of the hungry newspapers and duly fell by the wayside.
Many of the new papers also fell by the wayside with their victim. They had no other agenda apart from mounting a relentless campaign of attack on the ageing dictator.
The ZimJournalists Arise Team has published a number articles on the succession issue, as it believes Journos should closely examine the splits in the party more closely and its links to political jostling for Mugabe’s office. We stumbled on this article and thought it would be an interesting addition to some of the succession stories in the Zimbabwean media.
Zimbabwean journalists are indulging in a cheap and superficial kind of journalism that seeks to link everything to the question of who is to succeed President Robert Mugabe, no matter how tenuous the link, writes Geoff Nyarota in his column in the Financial Gazette.
After placing a lid firmly on any open discussion pertaining to his own departure and replacement as head of state, President Robert Mugabe set the ball of succession debate rolling back in 2003 when he said that such debate should be encouraged rather than have party leaders campaigning clandestinely.
He was addressing a Zanu-PF rally in Mount Darwin, 150 km northeast of Harare. He had then been in office for 23 years and many assumed their President was now tired of doing the same job for more than two decades without promotion.
The official Herald surprised its readers when it quoted Mugabe as stating publicly: “You must debate succession. We want to be true and open to each other and discuss as a united people.”
The succession issue has since that day spawned debate and strategies, while causing much grief, especially in the aftermath of the so-called Tsholotsho Plot, which saw a number of politicians ruthlessly marginalized on suspicion that they were plotting against the presidency, to use appropriate parlance.
A new variety of reporting has emerged in Zimbabwe. I call it succession journalism. In such journalism a succession angle, however remote, is introduced to every story, whether it be a sports report, a feature, a gender-related article, a political analysis, a business story or even a court case.
As a result, Zimbabwe’s long-suffering newspaper readers have become accustomed or, more appropriately, resigned themselves to story introductions such as: “In the latest episode of the succession campaign prosperous tycoon was arrested yesterday in connection with alleged massive fraud”. A variation would be, “Politician so-and-so of this or that succession faction seeks to divorce his wife. This is the latest development in the presidential succession saga.”
In many such articles the succession angle is usually not developed beyond the introductory paragraph. Almost invariably this paragraph is immediately followed by background material, some of it unrelated, to strengthen the dubious intervention of some so-called political analyst or observer. The stories are, as a matter of routine and ritual, characterized by such gratuitous statements as, “Emmerson Mnangagwa whose succession star is shining brightly again…”, or “Retired General Solomon Mujuru, who is on the ascendancy again . . .”. This practice leaves readers of perspicacity in doubt, whatsoever, that the articles are either planted by the succession combatants themselves or by agents acting on their behalf.
A variation of this perception is that the articles are penned by scribes with a vested interest in seeking to strengthen through their writings the prospects of one faction against the other.
Not wishing to be outdone, or shall I say, in keeping with the current practice of good succession journalism I approached the University of Zimbabwe, the main catchment area of succession analysts and unearthed one Augustine Hungwe, a political scientist. I was on the look-out for new blood, not the press-button analysts who have become household names in Zimbabwe.
Sounds Familiar
Such instant analysts will respond to press inquiries on every conceivable topic under sun. Towards production deadlines enterprising journalists, in desperate need of a story to submit to the news editor, will resort to the modern tool of journalism, the cell-phone, to place a call through to the analysts. In most cases they will not be disappointment. Some of the more accomplished analysts can be relied upon to comment upon subjects as diverse, for example, as the controversial adoption of poverty-stricken Baby Banda of Malawi by world-famous entertainer Madonna to the attributes of the latest Bentley Continental GT, without batting an eye-lid.
Experienced readers know in advance that the name of certain analysts is likely to crop into an article by the third or fourth paragraph.
My own political analyst, Hungwe, says the succession debate appears to have come to the rescue of some journalists, who on a hard day will turn any story, however remotely connected, into a succession scoop.
“Whatever the story, whatever the issue, journalists will find a link to the succession debate, however tenuous,” he says. “A succession debate syndrome has emerged and asserted itself on our journalism. Mugabe himself must laugh his head off at some of the succession headlines and linkages. But seriously this succession debate is getting out of hand.”
More Stories To More Confusion
Hungwe says the succession stories appear to be causing more confusion and generating more nationwide curiosity about the prospects of succession to Mugabe.
“The more the public reads about the succession controversy the less they seem to know about what is taking place,” he says.
Major victims of the succession debate include controversial businessman, John Bredenkamp, who the Criminal Investigation Department and Central Intelligence Organisation were said to be investigating for alleged economic crimes. Other notable victims are equally controversial entrepreneur Phillp Chiyangwa of Pinnacle Property Holdings and Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa.
“The succession battle within Zimbabwe’s ruling Zanu PF party has claimed another victim with controversial businessman, John Bredenkamp, fleeing a probe into his companies,” one publication boldly pronnounced.
The pinnacle of succession journalism was reached by one online publication, which dutifully reported on the just concluded Chinamasa trial. This particular story captured the fanciful or fertile imagination of succession journalists. The Justice Minister was put on trial on allegations that he attempted to defeat the course of justice by using his powerful position to influence the course of a case involving fellow Manicaland politician, Didymus Mutasa. While entertaining self-confessed presidential ambitions Mutasa seems to have a proclivity for behaviour totally unbefitting for a presidential hopeful.
Chinamasa is said to belong to the Mnangagwa faction in the succession battle. In a curious twist of events, Attorney-General Sobuza Gula-Ndebele who, so succession analysts say, has effectively positioned himself in the Mujuru camp, arraigned his boss, Chinamasa, before the courts.
On the eve of judgement one online publication appears to have sought to help the prosecution by delivering a devastating blow on the accused. With little regard to issues of prejudice, the publication quoted an unnamed lawyer as saying, “If indeed, it is true, as it has been claimed, that the charges are designed to bury Chinamasa’s political career, he could be convicted.”
The unnamed lawyer was then miraculously allowed to proceed: “The prosecutor made a crucial revelation in court about Chinamasa’s dark history as a senator in Ian Smith’s government. Without questioning the prosecutor’s research skills, those details look very likely to have been provided by state intelligence because it has, in my knowledge, never been disclosed in public. If that’s the case, then Chinamasa should be worried.”
In their closing arguments, state prosecutors had apparently accused Chinamasa of trying to cloud the charges against him by introducing unwarranted political dimensions to the trial.
“The accused was not brought before this court to answer allegations that he joined the Zanu-PF youth wing in 1963. The accused is not here to explain how as a Zanu-PF candidate he ended up being elected or appointed into the Rhodesian senate in 1975,” the state said in its closing submissions.
Now, assuming it is true that Chinamasa joined Zanu-PF at the youthful age of 14 or 15 in 1963, why should this issue now be elevated to the status of an allegation, deserving of denial by the said Chinamasa. I first met Chinamasa at the University of Rhodesia, if you will excuse the pun, in 1971.
While he was two years my senior he did not look at that time as one who had been a member of Zanu-PF for seven years. I believe it is unadulterated nonsense that he joined Zanu-PF in 1963 or that Zanu-PF participated in any elections in 1975.
The allegation that Chinamasa was appointed to the Rhodesian Senate in 1975 is pure malice. While the minister is not one of my favourite politicians, I would place my neck on the block in his defence in the face of such malicious falsehood. I have consulted other people who were at the university at the time. They have no recollection whatsoever of Chinamasa ever gracing the Senate with his presence. If someone comes up with irrefutable evidence of Chinamasa’s alleged defection from Zanu-PF to become a Rhodesian senator in the 70s, I will tender my sincere and unreserved apologies to all concerned.
A friend of long-standing, who refused to be identified by name, had this to say: “Methinks Chinamasa is being mixed up with our learned Chief Justice, Godfrey Guwa Chidyausiku, who was definitely a Member of Parliament but not a Senator in 1975. You will, I’m sure, recall the occasion when Chidyausiku made a fool of himself by rocking up in Parliament bedecked in a gaudy psychedelic suit.”
Meanwhile, Chinamasa was duly acquitted, raising the ire of the Attorney-General who threatened to appeal against the judgement.
This particular episode of succession journalism brought back to my mind the media situation in Malawi at the time when former Life President the Ngwazi Dr Hastings Kamuzu Banda fell from power after his country’s first democratic elections in May 1994. The Life President’s term came to an end after three decades in office, as an absolute dictator most of the period.
Malawi was served for most of that time by one daily newspaper and one Sunday paper, both of which were published by Press Holdings, a company wholly owned by Banda. When the press was emancipated after a campaign by Malawian civil society, a total of 19 new newspapers literally sprouted from nowhere in 1993 and early 1994.
Many of the papers were owned by politicians seeking to succeed Banda. Both professional and ethical standards were abandoned as newspapers of different shades of political opinion vied to deliver devastating blows on rival politicians. In bold banner headlines politicians were labelled as murderers, crooks or rapists, without a shred of evidence being offered to support such allegations.
One Malawi Congress Party (MCP)-aligned newspaper constantly referred in headlines to the president of the United Democratic Front (UDF) Bakhili Muluzi, as “Wakuba”, or the thief. The MCP was Banda’s much feared political party.
The paper had discovered that as a junior civil servant in his younger days, Muluzi had misappropriated a few kwacha. He went on to become the next President of Malawi. Malawian journalists argued that there was no time to be wasted on journalistic niceties at such a crucial period. Banda succumbed to the onslaught of the hungry newspapers and duly fell by the wayside.
Many of the new papers also fell by the wayside with their victim. They had no other agenda apart from mounting a relentless campaign of attack on the ageing dictator.
Monday, October 30, 2006
Rural Council Elections.
Although a considerable number of people are generally becoming demoralized with MDC participation and losses, MDC Nelson Chamisa is quoted in ZimOnline saying that his party has gained new ground by at least having councilors in the rural areas, something his party did not have.
Attached Is A Statement From The MDC
We applaud and salute the hundreds of thousands of heroes and heroines across Zimbabwe who continue to invest in the electoral route to achieve a new Zimbabwe. This is a major victory which shows that the people have issued an eviction notice to the regime. This is against the background of our candidates being hounded out of their areas by Zanu PF thugs. There are thousands who voted for MDC candidates in Muzarabani, even after those candidates had since fled those areas after their houses were burnt down by identified Zanu PF hooligans and state agents. The people continue to invest in the MDC even after the orgy of terror and violence, the politicized food distribution system and victimization by chiefs and village heads. The MDC has compiled a comprehensive report with over 500 cases of assault, arson, intimidation and torture of our candidates and supporters in the run-up to these elections. .
The results clearly show that the MDC is a reality across the length and breadth of the country. The results now at hand show that for the first time, Zimbabwe shall have opposition councillors in rural Kariba, Shamva and Bikita. For the first time, we have a national rejection of Zanu PF and its representatives, and all that it stands for, namely poverty, persecution of perceived political opponents and failed socio-economic policies in the rural areas. For the first time the people shall have MDC representation in Shurugwi and Gutu South rural district councils. We now have councillors deep down in rural Gokwe, Chimanimani, Buhera, Chipinge North and South. Our candidates shall be representing people’s interests in the rural district council chambers in Guruve, Matobo, Binga, Lupane, Chirumanzu and Mutasa communal lands. It is significant to note that all these council seats that we now control across the country were previously held by Zanu PF. The people have given the regime a vote of no-confidence. Perched on a lofty pedestal in their world of make-believe, Zanu PF may rant and rave about a landslide, but statistics show that about 44 percent of the rural electorate voted MDC. They braved massive intimidation, threats and violence to vote for the only party that represents the last hope of a brutalized and repressed nation. It took great courage and unmitigated bravery for the hundreds of thousands across the country to vote for the MDC by defying directives from certain chiefs and headmen.
Once again, chicanery and electoral fraud were the victors in the Kadoma mayoral election where thousands of supporters were bussed from Ngezi and other surrounding areas to vote in the polls. Apathy won the polls because the electorate no longer has confidence in the electoral system and its outcome. In the past, popularly elected councilors and executive mayors have been unceremoniously dismissed and replaced with Zanu PF commissioners. This makes a mockery of the elections as a way of changing the system of governance. Elections cannot be free and fair when we have a Zimbabwe Electoral Commission which is prisoner to Zanu PF whims and caprices. Election management has been heavily militarized. Under the current system, it is only Zanu PF which is privy to important functions such as the compilation and access to the voters roll, the designation of polling stations and the announcement of the results from the various polling stations.
The MDC believes that unless the electoral system is demilitarized, unless electoral management is removed from the clutches of Zanu PF and unless the compilation of the voters roll is placed under a truly independent body, the electoral route will continue to breed illegitimate and sterile outcomes. The continued manipulation, tampering and impediment-throwing that Zanu PF has perfected with respect to elections is a hugely negative indictment to the peaceful competition for political power that elections should be about. The closure of democratic options to express disapproval to the regime in power fertilizes consequences that are too ghastly to contemplate. Zimbabwe needs a new, people-driven Constitution. Zimbabwe needs an independent electoral body to run a free and fair election; a body that punishes transgressors and perpetrators of violence, intimidation and thuggery. The whole nation is geared for a new Zimbabwe. The hour of change is upon us. Zanu PF must clear the deck and prepare for a people-inspired exit.
Nelson Chamisa, MP
Secretary for Information and Publicity
What do you guys think, is this a valid point.
Although a considerable number of people are generally becoming demoralized with MDC participation and losses, MDC Nelson Chamisa is quoted in ZimOnline saying that his party has gained new ground by at least having councilors in the rural areas, something his party did not have.
Attached Is A Statement From The MDC
We applaud and salute the hundreds of thousands of heroes and heroines across Zimbabwe who continue to invest in the electoral route to achieve a new Zimbabwe. This is a major victory which shows that the people have issued an eviction notice to the regime. This is against the background of our candidates being hounded out of their areas by Zanu PF thugs. There are thousands who voted for MDC candidates in Muzarabani, even after those candidates had since fled those areas after their houses were burnt down by identified Zanu PF hooligans and state agents. The people continue to invest in the MDC even after the orgy of terror and violence, the politicized food distribution system and victimization by chiefs and village heads. The MDC has compiled a comprehensive report with over 500 cases of assault, arson, intimidation and torture of our candidates and supporters in the run-up to these elections. .
The results clearly show that the MDC is a reality across the length and breadth of the country. The results now at hand show that for the first time, Zimbabwe shall have opposition councillors in rural Kariba, Shamva and Bikita. For the first time, we have a national rejection of Zanu PF and its representatives, and all that it stands for, namely poverty, persecution of perceived political opponents and failed socio-economic policies in the rural areas. For the first time the people shall have MDC representation in Shurugwi and Gutu South rural district councils. We now have councillors deep down in rural Gokwe, Chimanimani, Buhera, Chipinge North and South. Our candidates shall be representing people’s interests in the rural district council chambers in Guruve, Matobo, Binga, Lupane, Chirumanzu and Mutasa communal lands. It is significant to note that all these council seats that we now control across the country were previously held by Zanu PF. The people have given the regime a vote of no-confidence. Perched on a lofty pedestal in their world of make-believe, Zanu PF may rant and rave about a landslide, but statistics show that about 44 percent of the rural electorate voted MDC. They braved massive intimidation, threats and violence to vote for the only party that represents the last hope of a brutalized and repressed nation. It took great courage and unmitigated bravery for the hundreds of thousands across the country to vote for the MDC by defying directives from certain chiefs and headmen.
Once again, chicanery and electoral fraud were the victors in the Kadoma mayoral election where thousands of supporters were bussed from Ngezi and other surrounding areas to vote in the polls. Apathy won the polls because the electorate no longer has confidence in the electoral system and its outcome. In the past, popularly elected councilors and executive mayors have been unceremoniously dismissed and replaced with Zanu PF commissioners. This makes a mockery of the elections as a way of changing the system of governance. Elections cannot be free and fair when we have a Zimbabwe Electoral Commission which is prisoner to Zanu PF whims and caprices. Election management has been heavily militarized. Under the current system, it is only Zanu PF which is privy to important functions such as the compilation and access to the voters roll, the designation of polling stations and the announcement of the results from the various polling stations.
The MDC believes that unless the electoral system is demilitarized, unless electoral management is removed from the clutches of Zanu PF and unless the compilation of the voters roll is placed under a truly independent body, the electoral route will continue to breed illegitimate and sterile outcomes. The continued manipulation, tampering and impediment-throwing that Zanu PF has perfected with respect to elections is a hugely negative indictment to the peaceful competition for political power that elections should be about. The closure of democratic options to express disapproval to the regime in power fertilizes consequences that are too ghastly to contemplate. Zimbabwe needs a new, people-driven Constitution. Zimbabwe needs an independent electoral body to run a free and fair election; a body that punishes transgressors and perpetrators of violence, intimidation and thuggery. The whole nation is geared for a new Zimbabwe. The hour of change is upon us. Zanu PF must clear the deck and prepare for a people-inspired exit.
Nelson Chamisa, MP
Secretary for Information and Publicity
What do you guys think, is this a valid point.
How Long, Oh Lord
By Eddie Cross
How long, oh Lord?
In line with the blog’s editorial stance, that the succession debate and what happens after Mugabe, is every journalist ”must have on diary story.” We have published a letter by Cross, which has pointed out Mnagwagwa’s shortcomings bluntly. It is not our policy to be malicious but the cold hard fact is that the Minister’s illness and lack of good health has been doing the rounds for a long time. While we will not dwell on the specifics, since we are not remote physicians but journos have ignored this fact.
Perhaps this has been the most common question that I have been asked in recent weeks. People look at me anxiously and hope for an indication thatthings are not as bad as they seem and that there is some hope that this long nightmare might end.
That is a tough question – perhaps because there is no answer. The truth ofthe matter is that we might wake up tomorrow morning and find thateverything has changed. The reality is however, that change is not likely tocome very soon and it is how we manage that bit of information that matters.
Let’s just review the overall situation that confronts us right now.
It is now certain that 2007 is going to be much worse than 2006. Inflation is going to be higher, the economy will almost certainly shrink – for the 9th year in a row and the flood of economic refugees into other countries will, if anything get worse. Shortages will be more widespread and this will create additional problems for those of us who live here. I predict that the
coming agricultural season will be much worse than in the past year. Output across the board will be lower – without exception.
Then there is the situation in Zanu PF. Mr. Mugabe is no longer functioningeffectively as Head of State – he is working very short hours and forwhatever reason is already in a state of semi retirement. He has moved tohis new home in Harare and goes into the office late in the morningreturning home before midday. Few people are seeing him and it is clear that government is confused and divided – no strong central direction is apparent. Everybody is doing his or her own thing.
Then there is the succession debate. Rumors abound about Mugabe’s futureplans – they all point to him stepping down and it would appear from our sources that the debate on whether to allow him to remain President until 2010 has been quashed. It would appear to us that he is now committed toretirement in March 2008, if not sooner. A recurrent Zanu PF nightmare isthat he might become incapacitated sooner than March 2008, leaving Zanu unprepared for the succession battles that will follow.
If we look at the four likely candidates right now they do not look veryhopeful! Munangagwa is not well and probably could not take the strain of aPresidential election and the aftermath. Vice President Mujuru is regardedas a bit of a lame duck – lacking the capacity to operate as President or towin an election. Simba Makoni is a lightweight who does not command enoughsupport in the rank and file although he has the support of Mr. Mujuru forwhat that is worth. Mugabe does not trust him and probably would block his
nomination.
That leaves Gideon Gono – the one man goon show who has been running theReserve Bank for the past few years and seems no closer to understandinganything other than his masters wishes. That could get him the job – he isthe effective Prime Minister for Mugabe at present and clearly has his trustand backing. However Gono does not have support within Zanu PF and I am notsure if that is a good or a bad thing. It probably makes little difference –
it is Mugabe’s mantle that matters.
And that brings us to the state of Zanu PF itself. I sometimes wonder if itactually exists anymore – as a political party that is. The gravy traincertainly exists and is still puffing its way through our remainingresources and capacity. The people who operate and live on the State, like overblown leeches, would call themselves Zanu PF but the day that Zanu loses power and the gravy train is derailed, they will run so far from the Zanu PF
label that it will be difficult to identify their political origins after aweek or so. In my view if Zanu were to loose power tomorrow, they would disintegrate and cease to exist as an effective political force within 24 hours.
Certainly the one thing we can all agree to is that this government seems to have absolutely no idea as to how to get out of the hole they have dug forthemselves over the past 26 years. As Mugabe said yesterday – there arecertain things that are not open to negotiation to Zanu PF. These are thevery things that are blocking progress and that will ultimately destroy the Party itself.
Then there is the opposition – still popular with the ordinary person on thestreet, but unable to set in motion an effective campaign to unseat Zanu PF and replace it with a new and effective government. It now seems unlikelythat mass action will be the instrument of change that was once hoped. Noone will fund mass action and it cannot be mounted without resources. At the
same time the State has shown itself to be willing to crush any sign ofdissent. Since we will never take up arms again – that rules out those options for regime change.
So we must now wait – either for Mr. Mugabe to become incapacitated for one reason or another (there are persistent reports of health problems) or forMarch 2008 when he might step down and a candidate for Zanu PF will have to run for President.
Any election that does not include Mr. Mugabe will be a totally differentone to an election that did incorporate him as a candidate. For a start the new candidate will have none of his stature as one of the “strong men of Africa” and “liberation war hero”. Secondly, Zanu PF has always pretended to be a democratic institution and pretended to play the democratic game in
elections here. This exposes them to the threat of an electoral loss and even if they do maintain the machinery that gave them victory in 2000, 2002 and 2005, there is no guarantee that it will work again.
So we may have to just sit tight and wait – time is on our side in thissituation, Zanu PF has nowhere to hide at present – they created this mess and must live in it and bear responsibility for it in full. For the opposition – perhaps it is time we persuaded the Broad Alliance to put up asingle candidate and to begin now working on controlling the vote and thecount in the forthcoming presidential election. If we play our cards right,we could win that election and then treat the period up to the June 2010
election as a transition with a new constitution and the restoration of the rule of law in the interim as principle objectives. Mugabe said this week that he sees no reason to change the constitution – well lets hoist him onto that petard and see how he likes it under an Alliance President with all his present powers in April 2008.
I think we can hold out until then.
By Eddie Cross
How long, oh Lord?
In line with the blog’s editorial stance, that the succession debate and what happens after Mugabe, is every journalist ”must have on diary story.” We have published a letter by Cross, which has pointed out Mnagwagwa’s shortcomings bluntly. It is not our policy to be malicious but the cold hard fact is that the Minister’s illness and lack of good health has been doing the rounds for a long time. While we will not dwell on the specifics, since we are not remote physicians but journos have ignored this fact.
Perhaps this has been the most common question that I have been asked in recent weeks. People look at me anxiously and hope for an indication thatthings are not as bad as they seem and that there is some hope that this long nightmare might end.
That is a tough question – perhaps because there is no answer. The truth ofthe matter is that we might wake up tomorrow morning and find thateverything has changed. The reality is however, that change is not likely tocome very soon and it is how we manage that bit of information that matters.
Let’s just review the overall situation that confronts us right now.
It is now certain that 2007 is going to be much worse than 2006. Inflation is going to be higher, the economy will almost certainly shrink – for the 9th year in a row and the flood of economic refugees into other countries will, if anything get worse. Shortages will be more widespread and this will create additional problems for those of us who live here. I predict that the
coming agricultural season will be much worse than in the past year. Output across the board will be lower – without exception.
Then there is the situation in Zanu PF. Mr. Mugabe is no longer functioningeffectively as Head of State – he is working very short hours and forwhatever reason is already in a state of semi retirement. He has moved tohis new home in Harare and goes into the office late in the morningreturning home before midday. Few people are seeing him and it is clear that government is confused and divided – no strong central direction is apparent. Everybody is doing his or her own thing.
Then there is the succession debate. Rumors abound about Mugabe’s futureplans – they all point to him stepping down and it would appear from our sources that the debate on whether to allow him to remain President until 2010 has been quashed. It would appear to us that he is now committed toretirement in March 2008, if not sooner. A recurrent Zanu PF nightmare isthat he might become incapacitated sooner than March 2008, leaving Zanu unprepared for the succession battles that will follow.
If we look at the four likely candidates right now they do not look veryhopeful! Munangagwa is not well and probably could not take the strain of aPresidential election and the aftermath. Vice President Mujuru is regardedas a bit of a lame duck – lacking the capacity to operate as President or towin an election. Simba Makoni is a lightweight who does not command enoughsupport in the rank and file although he has the support of Mr. Mujuru forwhat that is worth. Mugabe does not trust him and probably would block his
nomination.
That leaves Gideon Gono – the one man goon show who has been running theReserve Bank for the past few years and seems no closer to understandinganything other than his masters wishes. That could get him the job – he isthe effective Prime Minister for Mugabe at present and clearly has his trustand backing. However Gono does not have support within Zanu PF and I am notsure if that is a good or a bad thing. It probably makes little difference –
it is Mugabe’s mantle that matters.
And that brings us to the state of Zanu PF itself. I sometimes wonder if itactually exists anymore – as a political party that is. The gravy traincertainly exists and is still puffing its way through our remainingresources and capacity. The people who operate and live on the State, like overblown leeches, would call themselves Zanu PF but the day that Zanu loses power and the gravy train is derailed, they will run so far from the Zanu PF
label that it will be difficult to identify their political origins after aweek or so. In my view if Zanu were to loose power tomorrow, they would disintegrate and cease to exist as an effective political force within 24 hours.
Certainly the one thing we can all agree to is that this government seems to have absolutely no idea as to how to get out of the hole they have dug forthemselves over the past 26 years. As Mugabe said yesterday – there arecertain things that are not open to negotiation to Zanu PF. These are thevery things that are blocking progress and that will ultimately destroy the Party itself.
Then there is the opposition – still popular with the ordinary person on thestreet, but unable to set in motion an effective campaign to unseat Zanu PF and replace it with a new and effective government. It now seems unlikelythat mass action will be the instrument of change that was once hoped. Noone will fund mass action and it cannot be mounted without resources. At the
same time the State has shown itself to be willing to crush any sign ofdissent. Since we will never take up arms again – that rules out those options for regime change.
So we must now wait – either for Mr. Mugabe to become incapacitated for one reason or another (there are persistent reports of health problems) or forMarch 2008 when he might step down and a candidate for Zanu PF will have to run for President.
Any election that does not include Mr. Mugabe will be a totally differentone to an election that did incorporate him as a candidate. For a start the new candidate will have none of his stature as one of the “strong men of Africa” and “liberation war hero”. Secondly, Zanu PF has always pretended to be a democratic institution and pretended to play the democratic game in
elections here. This exposes them to the threat of an electoral loss and even if they do maintain the machinery that gave them victory in 2000, 2002 and 2005, there is no guarantee that it will work again.
So we may have to just sit tight and wait – time is on our side in thissituation, Zanu PF has nowhere to hide at present – they created this mess and must live in it and bear responsibility for it in full. For the opposition – perhaps it is time we persuaded the Broad Alliance to put up asingle candidate and to begin now working on controlling the vote and thecount in the forthcoming presidential election. If we play our cards right,we could win that election and then treat the period up to the June 2010
election as a transition with a new constitution and the restoration of the rule of law in the interim as principle objectives. Mugabe said this week that he sees no reason to change the constitution – well lets hoist him onto that petard and see how he likes it under an Alliance President with all his present powers in April 2008.
I think we can hold out until then.
Letter From Mike Davies
Request For Picks In Text Form
Greetings
Getting online is often tricky here so could you perhaps look at doing a simple text message with the news rather than a link?
Regards
Response From ZimJournalists Arise
Thank you for you suggestion. We are aware that those in Zimbabwe may not be able to be online regularly and consistently compared to those elsewhere. For those on our mailing list and experiencing difficulties should let us so we can try to make a plan, although we will continue to run the blog. We can only hope that Zimbabwe’s internet services will improve soon.
Request For Picks In Text Form
Greetings
Getting online is often tricky here so could you perhaps look at doing a simple text message with the news rather than a link?
Regards
Response From ZimJournalists Arise
Thank you for you suggestion. We are aware that those in Zimbabwe may not be able to be online regularly and consistently compared to those elsewhere. For those on our mailing list and experiencing difficulties should let us so we can try to make a plan, although we will continue to run the blog. We can only hope that Zimbabwe’s internet services will improve soon.
How Can Zimbabwean Atrocities be Punished Internationally?
By Gabriel Shumba
It has become painfully clear that torture is state-sanctioned at the highest echelons of power in Zimbabwe. The recent report in the Herald of 25 September 2006 that President Mugabe openly gloated over police brutality that was meted out on 15 labour leaders on 13 September 2006 is yet another piece of evidence. The question then is, what will happen to a leader who has become so drunk with his own power that he has no regard for the lives and human rights of innocent citizens? How can those who serve him face justice?
Torture belongs to the genre of the most horrible and repulsive of crimes against humanity. Every nation has the mandate and is obliged to punish torture and crimes against humanity no matter where they have occurred. The extent of the atrocities in Zimbabwe have led to Zimbabweans sometimes hoping for Mugabe’s trial by the International Court of Justice(ICJ). This idea however is based on the erroneous belief that the ICJ can hear cases involving personal accountability for crimes against humanity. The jurisdiction and procedures before the ICJ allow only for the appearance of state parties hence such a personal showdown with Mugabe can not possibly be entertained before it. This could however be done before a different court altogether, the International Criminal Court (ICC).
The setting up of the (ICC) brought new hope that offenders against humanity of Mugabe’s calibre can be tried by it. Thus, the heinous crimes being committed by the Mugabe regime can therefore be entertained since the ICC has jurisdiction over crimes such as genocide (Article 6) and crimes against humanity (Article 7) that encompass widespread and systematic torture. Unfortunately Zimbabwe has not ratified the Rome statute of the ICC. Also, the Rome statute cannot operate retrospectively, that is, for crimes committed before it went into force on the 1st of July 2002. Thus, Mugabe and others can only be tried for crimes committed on and after that date under the ICC.
Before Zimbabwe has ratified the Rome Statute, this can happen if the Security Council of the United Nations refers Zimbabwe to the Court. The Security Council may also order military intervention under Chapter 7 of the UN Charter. Presently, this seems unlikely since countries like China and Russia who wield the veto power in the Security Council are friendly towards Mugabe and his regime. Also in this scenario, a state which is not party to the Rome Statute may also accept the jurisdiction of the Court so that those who committed serious crimes may be tried. This route is also unlikely in the situation because those who are responsible for committing these crimes are still in office. Thus, presently it seems that there is no hope of ending impunity through the ICC as long as Mugabe remains in power and there has been no regime change. However, tremendous work is being done by various organisations to document atrocities and their perpetrators so that in future, the culprits may be brought to account.
Mugabe Can Be Arrested In These Countries?
Apparently, the most feasible way by which Mugabe and his henchmen can be brought to book would be for them to be arrested by another state under the doctrine of universal jurisdiction. South Africa, Canada, United Kingdom, Belgium, Spain, the United States and many others are well placed to do this since most Zimbabweans fearing for their lives at home fled to these countries and may lodge complaints against the perpetrators in these jurisdictions. Once warrants of arrest have been issued, the issuing state may apply for the extradition or surrender of from another country. The limitation in this picture is that for political reasons, states are reluctant to arrest a sitting Head of State or even her/his ministers lest the same happens to them.
It therefore used to be that hybrid courts as in Sierra Leone or special tribunals as in the case of Rwanda would be set up under the auspices of the UN. With the advent of the ICC and lack of resources at the UN, this again seems a dead end. In any case, these courts are ordinarily established after regime change. It would therefore seem that intervention of the type carried out in Afghanistan would be justified and most effective in Zimbabwe. However, this type of engagement does not find favour in international law since it is not sanctioned under the Security Council.
The greatest setback to the arraignment of Mugabe is the principle of head of state immunity under which Mugabe may claim protection. Other culprits cannot avail themselves of this protection. As I see it, the most crucial factor for justice to occur in Zimbabwe is international co-operation to remove Mugabe and ZANU (PF) from power. However, in the meantime, civil society may explore ways in which perpetrators of human rights abuses may be sued in foreign states. The Zimbabwe Exiles Forum (ZEF) has been working with partners in other states towards this. Zimbabweans certainly must make as much effort as possible to expose offences, but they need support from other countries.
Tsvangirai Campaigns at Zimbabwe Grounds
Weekend Elections Results.
As ZimJournos Arise predicted ZANU-PF won most of the weekend elections including the Kadoma Mayoral Elections.
Here goes the results as of Sunday Evening
ZANU-PF mayoral condidate Fani Phiri kept his seat winning 4 614 votes against MDC's Jonasa Ndenda who won 2 491 votes.
In Beitbridge ZANU-PF won nine seats, with one being taken from MDC.
Results are still trickling in.
Friday, October 27, 2006
Rural District Council Elections Statistics
Report by ZimJournos Arise
This weekend Zim Journos, will be busy covering the rural district council elections. These elections although being largely ignored, are regarded by political analysts as very significant as they will measure whether or not MDC has made any inroads (at all) in the traditional rural ZANU-PF strongholds.
This week the media has reported on a growing number of incidences of violence especially in the politically volatile region of Manicaland.
There have been accusations and counter-accusations of rigging, cheating intimidation, with the likes of Chief Charumbira threatening opposition supporter of dire consequences if they do the ‘’unthinkable’’
It’s a serious test for Morgan Tsvangirai, whose party insists on going to the polls, predictably crying foul afterwards, when they lose.
However he and his team should be complimented on the MASSIVE effort he has put in campaigning. The highlight being pictures being circulated by Eddie Cross of him (Morgan) and a blind woman with her two children who had walked hundreds??? of kilometres to hear him speak at a rally. Although as journalists we strive to remain impartial we hope that that woman will get an opportunity to cast her vote, this weekend.
Unfortunately the team was unable to get the Zimbabwe Electoral Support Network’s report on the polls (in time) but the score line as of this evening(Friday)is
463 ZANU-PF out of the contested 1,344 are in ZANU-PF's back-pocket
The two MDC's have nine wards between them
Out of the 863 of the seats up for grabs, 18 of them have no candidates.
Please note that ZANU-PF's 463 seats are won unopposed.
So guys lets get on with our reporting, without fear or favour, and by the way avoid being arrested.
May the best party win and also lets not forget the Kadoma elections where incumbent ZANU-PF mayor Fani Phiri locks horns with MDC's Jonas Ndenda.
.
Report by ZimJournos Arise
This weekend Zim Journos, will be busy covering the rural district council elections. These elections although being largely ignored, are regarded by political analysts as very significant as they will measure whether or not MDC has made any inroads (at all) in the traditional rural ZANU-PF strongholds.
This week the media has reported on a growing number of incidences of violence especially in the politically volatile region of Manicaland.
There have been accusations and counter-accusations of rigging, cheating intimidation, with the likes of Chief Charumbira threatening opposition supporter of dire consequences if they do the ‘’unthinkable’’
It’s a serious test for Morgan Tsvangirai, whose party insists on going to the polls, predictably crying foul afterwards, when they lose.
However he and his team should be complimented on the MASSIVE effort he has put in campaigning. The highlight being pictures being circulated by Eddie Cross of him (Morgan) and a blind woman with her two children who had walked hundreds??? of kilometres to hear him speak at a rally. Although as journalists we strive to remain impartial we hope that that woman will get an opportunity to cast her vote, this weekend.
Unfortunately the team was unable to get the Zimbabwe Electoral Support Network’s report on the polls (in time) but the score line as of this evening(Friday)is
463 ZANU-PF out of the contested 1,344 are in ZANU-PF's back-pocket
The two MDC's have nine wards between them
Out of the 863 of the seats up for grabs, 18 of them have no candidates.
Please note that ZANU-PF's 463 seats are won unopposed.
So guys lets get on with our reporting, without fear or favour, and by the way avoid being arrested.
May the best party win and also lets not forget the Kadoma elections where incumbent ZANU-PF mayor Fani Phiri locks horns with MDC's Jonas Ndenda.
.
PRESS STATEMENT ON DR. N. SHAMUYARIRA AND ZANU PF POSITION ON GUKURAHUNDI: BY FELIX M. MAFA (EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR)
The Post Independence Survivors Trust (PIST) wishes to express its profound condemnation against the position of ZANU PF by its National Spokesperson, Dr. Nathan Shamuyarira on the defence of the 5th Brigade, whereby over 20 000 innocent defenceless people where killed in cold blood by the North Korean trained (Gukurahundi) army. (refer to the Standard of 1 – 7 October 2006) (No regrets on 5 Brigade).
It would appear contradictory from President R. Mugabe former statement “Gukurahundi was a moment of madness” he said it at the funeral of the late Vice President Joshua Nkomo (1999). We therefore wonder and are at pains to ascertain the correct position of ZANU PF as a party and short of ‘APOLOGY’ by R. Mugabe then.
We therefore conclude that Dr. Nathan Shamuyarira’s position is the official one of the party as he is the official spokesperson of the party. Therefore Mr. R. G. Mugabe was politicking to appease and buy time in order to support the dubious unity accord of 22 December 1987 between himself and Dr. Joshua Nkomo the former PF ZAPU President.
From the latest revelation by the Vice President Joseph Msika, (The Standard 15 –21 October 2006) that he was not convinced by R. G. Mugabe’s so called APOLOGY for the said atrocities, shows clearly that the unity accord was a mere surrender document by PF ZAPU in order to save lives from Gukurahundi strategy of killing all people in Matabeleland and Midlands perceived to be PF ZAPU supporters or otherwise.
To conclude our statement, we wish to draw the public to some of the contents of the so-called Unity Accord between ZANU PF and PF ZAPU. The first meeting between the two parties began on the 2nd of October 1985 at Parliament Buildings, Harare and concluded on the 22nd of December 1987 at the same venue.
The agreement is as follows:
1. That ZANU PF and PF ZAPU have irrevocably committed themselves to unite under one political party.
2. That the unity of the two political parties; shall be achieved under the name Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front) in short ZANU PF.
3. That Comrade Robert Gabriel Mugabe shall be the First Secretary and President of ZANU PF.
4. That ZANU PF shall have two Second Secretaries and Vice Presidents who shall be appointed by the First Secretary and President of the Party.
5. That ZANU PF shall seek to establish a socialist society in Zimbabwe on the guidance of Marxist-Leninist principles.
6. That ZANU PF shall seek to establish a One Party State in Zimbabwe.
7. That the leadership of ZANU PF shall abide by the Leadership Code.
8. That the existing structures of ZANU PF and PF ZAPU shall be merged in accordance with the letter and spirit of this Agreement.
9. That both parties shall, in the interim, take immediate vigorous steps to eliminate and end the insecurity and violence prevalent in Matabeleland.
10. That ZANU PF and PF ZAPU shall convene their respective Congress to give effect to this Agreement within the shortest possible time.
11. That, in the interim, Comrade Robert Gabriel Mugabe is vested with full powers to prepare for the implementation of this Agreement and to act in the name and authority of ZANU PF.
From the dubious or fake agreement one is left with no doubt that PF ZAPU was cheated and thereafter swallowed by the old ZANU (PF) it was a political expediency of the highest order, by ZANU PF, hence to date the agreement is outdated because sections (5) (6) and (7) have been overtaken by the events and time because:-
One party stated has been rejected by the masses of Zimbabwe through the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) on the 11th of September 1999.
In brief the Socialist state built on one party state and the code of conduct as in section (5) (6) and (7) of the said Agreement has been abandoned, by ZANU PF and now is history.
It is therefore incumbent upon the people of Zimbabwe to demand a Truth and Reconciliation Commission with a bias of justice to all perpetrators and victims / survivors of Gukurahndi to say the least. To prevent further occurrences of such inhuman acts and crime against humanity by those in power, we therefore demand a People’s Driven and Democratic Constitution now than later. We demand not less than that, otherwise people of this country will fight by all means to set themselves free from ZANU PF dictatorship.
Dr. N. Shamuyarira’s statement is an attack to the dignity of the people of Matabeleland and Midlands and is most unfortunate, incomprehensible and outrageous to say the least. There are serious contradictions between Robert Mugabe, the ZANU PF President and the recent statement by Dr. Shamuyarira, ZANU PF National Spokesperson. This glaring disparity should not confuse people as it is a strategy to buy time, but the truth shall come out sooner or later.
It is a true reflection of the entire ZANU PF and hence, ordinary Zimbabwean should take a leaf from that statement and plan strategically for a sustainable way forward, i.e. people’s oriented strategies to save Zimbabweans as a whole.
Dated: 17 October 2006
Place: Bulawayo, Zimbabwe
By and on behalf of Post Independence Survivors Trust (PIST)
Post Independence Survivors Trust (PIST)
P.O. Box 3006
Bulawayo
Cell: 091 322 912
The Post Independence Survivors Trust (PIST) wishes to express its profound condemnation against the position of ZANU PF by its National Spokesperson, Dr. Nathan Shamuyarira on the defence of the 5th Brigade, whereby over 20 000 innocent defenceless people where killed in cold blood by the North Korean trained (Gukurahundi) army. (refer to the Standard of 1 – 7 October 2006) (No regrets on 5 Brigade).
It would appear contradictory from President R. Mugabe former statement “Gukurahundi was a moment of madness” he said it at the funeral of the late Vice President Joshua Nkomo (1999). We therefore wonder and are at pains to ascertain the correct position of ZANU PF as a party and short of ‘APOLOGY’ by R. Mugabe then.
We therefore conclude that Dr. Nathan Shamuyarira’s position is the official one of the party as he is the official spokesperson of the party. Therefore Mr. R. G. Mugabe was politicking to appease and buy time in order to support the dubious unity accord of 22 December 1987 between himself and Dr. Joshua Nkomo the former PF ZAPU President.
From the latest revelation by the Vice President Joseph Msika, (The Standard 15 –21 October 2006) that he was not convinced by R. G. Mugabe’s so called APOLOGY for the said atrocities, shows clearly that the unity accord was a mere surrender document by PF ZAPU in order to save lives from Gukurahundi strategy of killing all people in Matabeleland and Midlands perceived to be PF ZAPU supporters or otherwise.
To conclude our statement, we wish to draw the public to some of the contents of the so-called Unity Accord between ZANU PF and PF ZAPU. The first meeting between the two parties began on the 2nd of October 1985 at Parliament Buildings, Harare and concluded on the 22nd of December 1987 at the same venue.
The agreement is as follows:
1. That ZANU PF and PF ZAPU have irrevocably committed themselves to unite under one political party.
2. That the unity of the two political parties; shall be achieved under the name Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front) in short ZANU PF.
3. That Comrade Robert Gabriel Mugabe shall be the First Secretary and President of ZANU PF.
4. That ZANU PF shall have two Second Secretaries and Vice Presidents who shall be appointed by the First Secretary and President of the Party.
5. That ZANU PF shall seek to establish a socialist society in Zimbabwe on the guidance of Marxist-Leninist principles.
6. That ZANU PF shall seek to establish a One Party State in Zimbabwe.
7. That the leadership of ZANU PF shall abide by the Leadership Code.
8. That the existing structures of ZANU PF and PF ZAPU shall be merged in accordance with the letter and spirit of this Agreement.
9. That both parties shall, in the interim, take immediate vigorous steps to eliminate and end the insecurity and violence prevalent in Matabeleland.
10. That ZANU PF and PF ZAPU shall convene their respective Congress to give effect to this Agreement within the shortest possible time.
11. That, in the interim, Comrade Robert Gabriel Mugabe is vested with full powers to prepare for the implementation of this Agreement and to act in the name and authority of ZANU PF.
From the dubious or fake agreement one is left with no doubt that PF ZAPU was cheated and thereafter swallowed by the old ZANU (PF) it was a political expediency of the highest order, by ZANU PF, hence to date the agreement is outdated because sections (5) (6) and (7) have been overtaken by the events and time because:-
One party stated has been rejected by the masses of Zimbabwe through the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) on the 11th of September 1999.
In brief the Socialist state built on one party state and the code of conduct as in section (5) (6) and (7) of the said Agreement has been abandoned, by ZANU PF and now is history.
It is therefore incumbent upon the people of Zimbabwe to demand a Truth and Reconciliation Commission with a bias of justice to all perpetrators and victims / survivors of Gukurahndi to say the least. To prevent further occurrences of such inhuman acts and crime against humanity by those in power, we therefore demand a People’s Driven and Democratic Constitution now than later. We demand not less than that, otherwise people of this country will fight by all means to set themselves free from ZANU PF dictatorship.
Dr. N. Shamuyarira’s statement is an attack to the dignity of the people of Matabeleland and Midlands and is most unfortunate, incomprehensible and outrageous to say the least. There are serious contradictions between Robert Mugabe, the ZANU PF President and the recent statement by Dr. Shamuyarira, ZANU PF National Spokesperson. This glaring disparity should not confuse people as it is a strategy to buy time, but the truth shall come out sooner or later.
It is a true reflection of the entire ZANU PF and hence, ordinary Zimbabwean should take a leaf from that statement and plan strategically for a sustainable way forward, i.e. people’s oriented strategies to save Zimbabweans as a whole.
Dated: 17 October 2006
Place: Bulawayo, Zimbabwe
By and on behalf of Post Independence Survivors Trust (PIST)
Post Independence Survivors Trust (PIST)
P.O. Box 3006
Bulawayo
Cell: 091 322 912
Letter from Forward
Hi-
Just a point of factual correction. I think Zimbabwe is ranked 153rd NOT 140 by RSF. Double check I maybe wrong too.
Response From ZimJournalist Arise.
Thanks for the pointer.
However we have reproduced the Reporters Without Borders Rankings, which puts Zimbabwe at 140 as reported the day before yesterday. Hope that gives us journo’s a international perspective of where we stand compared to other countries.
Yearly worldwide press freedom ranking of countriespublished by Reporters Without Borders
Rank Country Index
2006 2006 2005 2004 2003 2002
1 Finland 0.50 0.50 0.50 0.50 0.50
1 Iceland 0.50 0.50 0.50 0.50 0.50
1 Ireland 0.50 0.50 0.50 2.83 1.00
1 Netherlands 0.50 0.50 0.50 0.50 0.50
5 Czech Republic 0.75 1.00 3.50 2.50 11.25
6 Estonia 2.00 1.50 2.00 2.50
6 Norway 2.00 0.50 0.50 0.50 0.50
8 Slovakia 2.50 0.75 0.50 2.50
8 Switzerland 2.50 0.50 0.50 2.50 4.25
10 Hungary 3.00 2.00 6.00 3.33 6.50
10 Latvia 3.00 2.50 1.00 2.25
10 Portugal 3.00 4.83 4.50 5.17 1.50
10 Slovenia 3.00 1.00 2.25 3.00 4.00
14 Belgium 4.00 4.00 4.00 1.17 3.50
14 Sweden 4.00 2.00 2.00 1.50 1.50
16 Austria 4.50 2.50 3.25 2.75 7.50
16 Bolivia 4.50 9.67 20.00 9.67 14.50
16 Canada 4.50 4.50 3.33 1.83 0.75
19 Bosnia and Herzegovina 5.00 7.00 3.67 6.83 12.50
19 Denmark 5.00 0.50 0.50 1.00 3.00
19 New Zealand 5.00 2.00 0.67 2.83
19 Trinidad and Tobago 5.00 2.00 2.00 1.00
23 Benin 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.25 6.00
23 Germany 5.50 4.00 2.00 1.33 1.50
23 Jamaica 5.50 7.50 4.17 3.33
26 Namibia 6.00 5.50 10.00 11.00 8.00
27 Lithuania 6.50 4.50 3.00 2.83
27 United Kingdom 6.50 5.17 6.00 4.25 6.00
29 Costa Rica 6.67 8.50 7.63 3.83 4.25
30 Cyprus (Republic of Cyprus) 7.50 5.50 22.00 20.83
31 Republic of Korea 7.75 7.50 11.13 9.17 10.50
32 Greece 8.00 4.00 7.00 6.00 5.00
32 Mauritius 8.00 7.50 10.50 7.25 9.50
34 Ghana 8.50 15.00 13.50 8.75 23.00
35 Australia 9.00 6.50 9.50 9.25 3.50
35 Bulgaria 9.00 10.25 8.00 6.50 9.75
35 France 9.00 6.25 3.50 4.17 3.25
35 Mali 9.00 8.00 12.83 11.00 12.50
39 Panama 9.50 15.00 14.50 9.75 15.50
40 Italy 9.90 8.67 9.00 9.75 11.00
41 El Salvador 10.00 5.75 6.00 6.83 8.75
41 Spain 10.00 8.33 9.00 7.67 7.75
43 Republic of China (Taiwan) 10.50 12.25 14.25 12.00 9.00
44 South Africa 11.25 6.50 5.00 3.33 7.50
45 Cape Verde 11.50 6.00 8.75 8.25 13.75
45 Republic of Macedonia 11.50 8.75 11.25 9.67
45 Mozambique 11.50 10.50 16.25 14.00 23.50
45 Serbia and Montenegro 11.50 14.83 20.13 21.33 20.75
49 Chile 11.63 11.75 10.00 6.83 6.50
50 Israel 12.00 10.00 8.00 8.00 30.00
Grenada 12.00
51 Japan 12.50 8.00 10.00 8.00 7.50
52 Dominican Republic 12.75 12.25 6.75 17.00
53 Botswana 13.00 14.00 11.50 13.00
53 Croatia 13.00 12.83 11.83 16.50 8.75
53 Tonga 13.00 14.50 38.17
53 United States (American territory) 13.00 9.50 4.00 6.00 4.75
57 Uruguay 13.75 9.75 10.00 4.00 6.00
58 Fiji 14.00 14.00 16.00 11.50
58 Hong Kong 14.00 8.25 7.50 11.00 4.83
58 Poland 14.00 12.50 6.83 6.17 7.75
58 Romania 14.00 16.17 17.83 11.50 13.25
62 Central African Republic 14.50 19.75 32.50 32.75 21.50
62 Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus 14.50 12.50
62 Guinea-Bissau 14.50 17.00 23.50 35.25 30.25
62 Honduras 14.50 18.00 11.75 14.17
66 Madagascar 15.00 24.50 18.50 8.17 22.75
66 Togo 15.00 23.75 19.50 27.50 31.50
68 Ecuador 15.25 21.75 16.50 7.67 5.50
69 Nicaragua 15.50 15.25 11.67 6.50
70 Burkina Faso 16.00 19.00 16.25 18.00 27.75
70 Kosovo 16.00 25.75
70 Lesotho 16.00 19.50 29.50 17.75
73 Republic of the Congo 17.00 17.00 17.50 14.00 23.17
73 Kuwait 17.00 21.25 31.67 31.33 25.50
75 Brazil 17.17 14.50 16.50 16.75 18.75
76 Argentina 17.30 13.67 21.33 15.17 12.00
77 Mauritania 17.50 40.00 51.00 36.67 41.33
77 Senegal 17.50 19.00 21.50 14.50 14.00
77 United Arab Emirates 17.50 25.75 50.25 37.00
80 Albania 18.00 14.17 11.50 6.50
80 Qatar 18.00 23.00 32.50 35.00
82 Paraguay 18.25 15.50 10.50 7.17 8.50
Rank Country Index
2006 2006 2005 2004 2003 2002
83 Timor-Leste 18.50 13.50 13.50 5.50
84 Liberia 19.00 20.50 40.00 40.00 37.75
85 Moldova 19.17 17.50 20.50 27.00
86 Mongolia 19.25 12.50 19.00 18.25 24.50
87 Haiti 19.50 33.50 42.13 31.00 36.50
88 Tanzania 19.82 17.50 14.50 16.50 21.25
89 Georgia 21.00 25.17 27.50 17.33
90 Guatemala 21.25 21.50 16.50 30.83 27.25
91 Angola 21.50 18.00 26.50 28.00 30.17
92 Malaysia 22.25 33.00 39.83 32.00 37.83
93 Comoros 22.50 22.00 26.50 18.50 20.50
93 Zambia 22.50 23.00 29.75 23.25 26.75
95 Niger 24.50 13.00 18.33 15.75 18.50
95 Seychelles 24.50 17.00 23.50 26.75 20.75
97 Morocco 24.83 36.17 43.00 39.67 29.00
98 Bhutan 25.00 51.50 55.83 77.33 90.75
98 Côte d'Ivoire 25.00 52.25 60.38 42.17 19.00
98 Turkey 25.00 25.00 37.25 35.00 33.50
101 Armenia 25.50 26.00 23.50 25.17
101 Malawi 25.50 22.75 31.00 21.00 27.67
103 Indonesia 26.00 26.00 37.75 34.25 20.00
103 Sierra Leone 26.00 39.50 24.50 23.50 24.50
105 India 26.50 27.00 38.50 39.00 26.50
105 Ukraine 26.50 32.50 51.00 40.00 40.00
107 Lebanon 27.00 28.25 24.38 32.50 19.67
108 Cambodia 27.25 23.00 36.50 19.50 24.25
109 Guinea 27.50 26.00 24.50 33.17 26.00
109 Jordan 27.50 24.00 39.13 37.00 33.50
111 Bahrain 28.00 38.75 52.50 35.17 23.00
112 Cameroon 28.25 20.50 27.00 30.50 28.83
112 Peru 28.25 33.33 40.00 10.25 9.50
114 Gabon 28.50 26.00 37.50 31.25 20.50
115 Venezuela 29.00 23.00 24.63 27.83 25.00
116 Uganda 29.83 19.25 24.00 25.75 17.00
117 Tajikistan 30.00 33.00 27.75 34.50 28.25
118 Kenya 30.25 30.00 22.25 18.50 24.75
119 United States (extra-territorial) 31.50 48.50 36.00 41.00
120 Nigeria 32.23 38.75 37.75 31.50 15.50
121 Djibouti 33.00 37.00 55.00 35.50 31.25
122 Thailand 33.50 28.00 14.00 19.67 22.75
123 Kyrgyzstan 34.00 32.00 35.25 32.00 31.75
124 Chad 35.50 30.00 33.25 24.00 28.75
Brunei 38.00
125 Burundi 39.83
126 Algeria 40.00 40.33 43.50 33.00 31.00
127 Swaziland 40.50 35.00 31.00 37.50 29.00
128 Kazakhstan 41.00 36.17 44.17 42.50 42.00
128 Rwanda 41.00 38.00 37.25 34.25 37.50
130 Afghanistan 44.25 39.17 28.25 40.17 35.50
131 Colombia 44.75 40.17 47.38 49.17 40.83
132 Mexico 45.83 45.50 27.83 17.67 24.75
133 Egypt 46.25 52.00 43.50 34.25 34.50
134 Palestine 46.75 42.50 43.17 39.25 27.00
135 Azerbaijan 47.00 51.00 49.67 34.50 34.50
135 Israel (extra-territorial) 47.00 37.50 49.00
137 Bangladesh 48.00 61.25 62.50 46.50 43.75
137 Equatorial Guinea 48.00 44.00 46.25 44.75 42.75
139 Sudan 48.13 44.00 44.25 45.75 36.00
140 Zimbabwe 50.00 64.25 67.50 45.50 48.25
141 Sri Lanka 50.75 33.25 36.50 24.83 15.75
142 Democratic Republic of the Congo 51.00 57.33 51.50 38.50 40.75
142 Philippines 51.00 50.00 36.63 35.25 29.00
144 Maldives 51.25 58.50 69.17 47.50
144 Somalia 51.25 59.00 43.50 45.00
146 Singapore 51.50 50.67 57.00 47.33
147 Russia 52.50 48.67 51.38 49.50 48.00
148 Tunisia 53.75 57.50 62.67 50.83 67.75
149 Gambia 54.00 41.00 29.50 18.25 22.50
149 Yemen 54.00 46.25 48.00 41.83 34.75
151 Belarus 57.00 61.33 54.10 52.00 52.17
Oman 57.75
152 Libya 62.50 88.75 65.00 60.00 72.50
153 Syria 63.00 55.00 67.50 67.50 62.83
154 Iraq 66.83 67.00 58.50 37.50 79.00
155 Vietnam 67.25 73.25 86.88 89.17 81.25
156 Laos 67.50 66.50 64.33 94.83 89.00
157 Pakistan 70.33 60.75 61.75 39.00 44.67
158 Uzbekistan 71.00 66.50 52.13 61.50 45.00
159 Nepal 73.50 86.75 84.00 51.50 63.00
160 Ethiopia 75.00 42.00 37.00 37.50 37.50
161 Saudi Arabia 76.00 66.00 79.17 71.50 62.50
162 Iran 90.88 89.17 78.30 89.33 48.25
163 People's Republic of China (Mainland only) 94.00 83.00 92.33 91.25 97.00
164 Myanmar 94.75 88.83 103.63 95.50 96.83
165 Cuba 95.00 87.00 106.83 97.83 90.25
166 Eritrea 97.50 99.75 93.25 91.50 83.67
167 Turkmenistan 98.50 93.50 99.83 82.83 91.50
168 Democratic People's Republic of Korea 109.00 109.00 107.50 99.50 97.50
Hi-
Just a point of factual correction. I think Zimbabwe is ranked 153rd NOT 140 by RSF. Double check I maybe wrong too.
Response From ZimJournalist Arise.
Thanks for the pointer.
However we have reproduced the Reporters Without Borders Rankings, which puts Zimbabwe at 140 as reported the day before yesterday. Hope that gives us journo’s a international perspective of where we stand compared to other countries.
Yearly worldwide press freedom ranking of countriespublished by Reporters Without Borders
Rank Country Index
2006 2006 2005 2004 2003 2002
1 Finland 0.50 0.50 0.50 0.50 0.50
1 Iceland 0.50 0.50 0.50 0.50 0.50
1 Ireland 0.50 0.50 0.50 2.83 1.00
1 Netherlands 0.50 0.50 0.50 0.50 0.50
5 Czech Republic 0.75 1.00 3.50 2.50 11.25
6 Estonia 2.00 1.50 2.00 2.50
6 Norway 2.00 0.50 0.50 0.50 0.50
8 Slovakia 2.50 0.75 0.50 2.50
8 Switzerland 2.50 0.50 0.50 2.50 4.25
10 Hungary 3.00 2.00 6.00 3.33 6.50
10 Latvia 3.00 2.50 1.00 2.25
10 Portugal 3.00 4.83 4.50 5.17 1.50
10 Slovenia 3.00 1.00 2.25 3.00 4.00
14 Belgium 4.00 4.00 4.00 1.17 3.50
14 Sweden 4.00 2.00 2.00 1.50 1.50
16 Austria 4.50 2.50 3.25 2.75 7.50
16 Bolivia 4.50 9.67 20.00 9.67 14.50
16 Canada 4.50 4.50 3.33 1.83 0.75
19 Bosnia and Herzegovina 5.00 7.00 3.67 6.83 12.50
19 Denmark 5.00 0.50 0.50 1.00 3.00
19 New Zealand 5.00 2.00 0.67 2.83
19 Trinidad and Tobago 5.00 2.00 2.00 1.00
23 Benin 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.25 6.00
23 Germany 5.50 4.00 2.00 1.33 1.50
23 Jamaica 5.50 7.50 4.17 3.33
26 Namibia 6.00 5.50 10.00 11.00 8.00
27 Lithuania 6.50 4.50 3.00 2.83
27 United Kingdom 6.50 5.17 6.00 4.25 6.00
29 Costa Rica 6.67 8.50 7.63 3.83 4.25
30 Cyprus (Republic of Cyprus) 7.50 5.50 22.00 20.83
31 Republic of Korea 7.75 7.50 11.13 9.17 10.50
32 Greece 8.00 4.00 7.00 6.00 5.00
32 Mauritius 8.00 7.50 10.50 7.25 9.50
34 Ghana 8.50 15.00 13.50 8.75 23.00
35 Australia 9.00 6.50 9.50 9.25 3.50
35 Bulgaria 9.00 10.25 8.00 6.50 9.75
35 France 9.00 6.25 3.50 4.17 3.25
35 Mali 9.00 8.00 12.83 11.00 12.50
39 Panama 9.50 15.00 14.50 9.75 15.50
40 Italy 9.90 8.67 9.00 9.75 11.00
41 El Salvador 10.00 5.75 6.00 6.83 8.75
41 Spain 10.00 8.33 9.00 7.67 7.75
43 Republic of China (Taiwan) 10.50 12.25 14.25 12.00 9.00
44 South Africa 11.25 6.50 5.00 3.33 7.50
45 Cape Verde 11.50 6.00 8.75 8.25 13.75
45 Republic of Macedonia 11.50 8.75 11.25 9.67
45 Mozambique 11.50 10.50 16.25 14.00 23.50
45 Serbia and Montenegro 11.50 14.83 20.13 21.33 20.75
49 Chile 11.63 11.75 10.00 6.83 6.50
50 Israel 12.00 10.00 8.00 8.00 30.00
Grenada 12.00
51 Japan 12.50 8.00 10.00 8.00 7.50
52 Dominican Republic 12.75 12.25 6.75 17.00
53 Botswana 13.00 14.00 11.50 13.00
53 Croatia 13.00 12.83 11.83 16.50 8.75
53 Tonga 13.00 14.50 38.17
53 United States (American territory) 13.00 9.50 4.00 6.00 4.75
57 Uruguay 13.75 9.75 10.00 4.00 6.00
58 Fiji 14.00 14.00 16.00 11.50
58 Hong Kong 14.00 8.25 7.50 11.00 4.83
58 Poland 14.00 12.50 6.83 6.17 7.75
58 Romania 14.00 16.17 17.83 11.50 13.25
62 Central African Republic 14.50 19.75 32.50 32.75 21.50
62 Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus 14.50 12.50
62 Guinea-Bissau 14.50 17.00 23.50 35.25 30.25
62 Honduras 14.50 18.00 11.75 14.17
66 Madagascar 15.00 24.50 18.50 8.17 22.75
66 Togo 15.00 23.75 19.50 27.50 31.50
68 Ecuador 15.25 21.75 16.50 7.67 5.50
69 Nicaragua 15.50 15.25 11.67 6.50
70 Burkina Faso 16.00 19.00 16.25 18.00 27.75
70 Kosovo 16.00 25.75
70 Lesotho 16.00 19.50 29.50 17.75
73 Republic of the Congo 17.00 17.00 17.50 14.00 23.17
73 Kuwait 17.00 21.25 31.67 31.33 25.50
75 Brazil 17.17 14.50 16.50 16.75 18.75
76 Argentina 17.30 13.67 21.33 15.17 12.00
77 Mauritania 17.50 40.00 51.00 36.67 41.33
77 Senegal 17.50 19.00 21.50 14.50 14.00
77 United Arab Emirates 17.50 25.75 50.25 37.00
80 Albania 18.00 14.17 11.50 6.50
80 Qatar 18.00 23.00 32.50 35.00
82 Paraguay 18.25 15.50 10.50 7.17 8.50
Rank Country Index
2006 2006 2005 2004 2003 2002
83 Timor-Leste 18.50 13.50 13.50 5.50
84 Liberia 19.00 20.50 40.00 40.00 37.75
85 Moldova 19.17 17.50 20.50 27.00
86 Mongolia 19.25 12.50 19.00 18.25 24.50
87 Haiti 19.50 33.50 42.13 31.00 36.50
88 Tanzania 19.82 17.50 14.50 16.50 21.25
89 Georgia 21.00 25.17 27.50 17.33
90 Guatemala 21.25 21.50 16.50 30.83 27.25
91 Angola 21.50 18.00 26.50 28.00 30.17
92 Malaysia 22.25 33.00 39.83 32.00 37.83
93 Comoros 22.50 22.00 26.50 18.50 20.50
93 Zambia 22.50 23.00 29.75 23.25 26.75
95 Niger 24.50 13.00 18.33 15.75 18.50
95 Seychelles 24.50 17.00 23.50 26.75 20.75
97 Morocco 24.83 36.17 43.00 39.67 29.00
98 Bhutan 25.00 51.50 55.83 77.33 90.75
98 Côte d'Ivoire 25.00 52.25 60.38 42.17 19.00
98 Turkey 25.00 25.00 37.25 35.00 33.50
101 Armenia 25.50 26.00 23.50 25.17
101 Malawi 25.50 22.75 31.00 21.00 27.67
103 Indonesia 26.00 26.00 37.75 34.25 20.00
103 Sierra Leone 26.00 39.50 24.50 23.50 24.50
105 India 26.50 27.00 38.50 39.00 26.50
105 Ukraine 26.50 32.50 51.00 40.00 40.00
107 Lebanon 27.00 28.25 24.38 32.50 19.67
108 Cambodia 27.25 23.00 36.50 19.50 24.25
109 Guinea 27.50 26.00 24.50 33.17 26.00
109 Jordan 27.50 24.00 39.13 37.00 33.50
111 Bahrain 28.00 38.75 52.50 35.17 23.00
112 Cameroon 28.25 20.50 27.00 30.50 28.83
112 Peru 28.25 33.33 40.00 10.25 9.50
114 Gabon 28.50 26.00 37.50 31.25 20.50
115 Venezuela 29.00 23.00 24.63 27.83 25.00
116 Uganda 29.83 19.25 24.00 25.75 17.00
117 Tajikistan 30.00 33.00 27.75 34.50 28.25
118 Kenya 30.25 30.00 22.25 18.50 24.75
119 United States (extra-territorial) 31.50 48.50 36.00 41.00
120 Nigeria 32.23 38.75 37.75 31.50 15.50
121 Djibouti 33.00 37.00 55.00 35.50 31.25
122 Thailand 33.50 28.00 14.00 19.67 22.75
123 Kyrgyzstan 34.00 32.00 35.25 32.00 31.75
124 Chad 35.50 30.00 33.25 24.00 28.75
Brunei 38.00
125 Burundi 39.83
126 Algeria 40.00 40.33 43.50 33.00 31.00
127 Swaziland 40.50 35.00 31.00 37.50 29.00
128 Kazakhstan 41.00 36.17 44.17 42.50 42.00
128 Rwanda 41.00 38.00 37.25 34.25 37.50
130 Afghanistan 44.25 39.17 28.25 40.17 35.50
131 Colombia 44.75 40.17 47.38 49.17 40.83
132 Mexico 45.83 45.50 27.83 17.67 24.75
133 Egypt 46.25 52.00 43.50 34.25 34.50
134 Palestine 46.75 42.50 43.17 39.25 27.00
135 Azerbaijan 47.00 51.00 49.67 34.50 34.50
135 Israel (extra-territorial) 47.00 37.50 49.00
137 Bangladesh 48.00 61.25 62.50 46.50 43.75
137 Equatorial Guinea 48.00 44.00 46.25 44.75 42.75
139 Sudan 48.13 44.00 44.25 45.75 36.00
140 Zimbabwe 50.00 64.25 67.50 45.50 48.25
141 Sri Lanka 50.75 33.25 36.50 24.83 15.75
142 Democratic Republic of the Congo 51.00 57.33 51.50 38.50 40.75
142 Philippines 51.00 50.00 36.63 35.25 29.00
144 Maldives 51.25 58.50 69.17 47.50
144 Somalia 51.25 59.00 43.50 45.00
146 Singapore 51.50 50.67 57.00 47.33
147 Russia 52.50 48.67 51.38 49.50 48.00
148 Tunisia 53.75 57.50 62.67 50.83 67.75
149 Gambia 54.00 41.00 29.50 18.25 22.50
149 Yemen 54.00 46.25 48.00 41.83 34.75
151 Belarus 57.00 61.33 54.10 52.00 52.17
Oman 57.75
152 Libya 62.50 88.75 65.00 60.00 72.50
153 Syria 63.00 55.00 67.50 67.50 62.83
154 Iraq 66.83 67.00 58.50 37.50 79.00
155 Vietnam 67.25 73.25 86.88 89.17 81.25
156 Laos 67.50 66.50 64.33 94.83 89.00
157 Pakistan 70.33 60.75 61.75 39.00 44.67
158 Uzbekistan 71.00 66.50 52.13 61.50 45.00
159 Nepal 73.50 86.75 84.00 51.50 63.00
160 Ethiopia 75.00 42.00 37.00 37.50 37.50
161 Saudi Arabia 76.00 66.00 79.17 71.50 62.50
162 Iran 90.88 89.17 78.30 89.33 48.25
163 People's Republic of China (Mainland only) 94.00 83.00 92.33 91.25 97.00
164 Myanmar 94.75 88.83 103.63 95.50 96.83
165 Cuba 95.00 87.00 106.83 97.83 90.25
166 Eritrea 97.50 99.75 93.25 91.50 83.67
167 Turkmenistan 98.50 93.50 99.83 82.83 91.50
168 Democratic People's Republic of Korea 109.00 109.00 107.50 99.50 97.50
Thursday, October 26, 2006
Coverage Of Homosexuality In The Zimbabwean Media
Disclaimer: While ZimJournalists Arise is aware of the fact that most Zimbabwean including journalists, generally view homosexuality with disdain. However this blog believes it’s a progressive one, that strives for a better Zimbabwean Journalist, that values, human right, democracy, transparency and tolerance. Tolerance that does not discriminate on the basis of color, creed, sex, religion or sexual orientation. It is not our aim to offend anyone but to provide meaningful debate on issues, all issues including that of Gays. The publicly-owned media, obviously because of its ownership cannot be expected to give coverage to this group of people, but has the independent media done any better? Except for the occasional story usually when the administration makes hateful remarks, the team realizes that this section of our society is not catered for.
Our initiative to bring this debate has been brought about by this article by PlusNews where, Gays with HIV/AIDS are not getting help and not been targeted in the fight against this horrible disease. Your comments and contributions are welcome, we would especially like to hear from those living outside Zimbabwe to hear how their host countries are treating the coverage of Gays. Also GALZ who we believe is part of our mailing list is welcome to share their point of with us.
Thank you
Reporting by PLUSNEWS
GALZ's attempts to advertise its services in the media have also met with resistance. The sole national broadcaster, ZTV, and national radio stations have refused adverts by GALZ. Zimbabwe Broadcasting Holdings (ZBH) spokesperson Sivukile Simango refused to comment but an officialfrom ZBH, who requested anonymity, confirmed that it was the organization’s policy not to accept adverts aimed at gays and lesbians.
Many gay people, particularly in rural areas, were unaware of the HIV counseling and education services offered by GALZ, and lacked information on how to protect themselves from the virus. "A lot of gay men in Zimbabwe have died silently through ignorance and multiple stigmatisationof homosexuality and seropositivity. As a result, there is a growing sense of urgency to extend services to this community," said Samuel Madzikure, GALZ programme manager for health.
Efforts to address the HIV/AIDS epidemic among Zimbabwe's homosexual population are being frustrated by homophobia in the government and society.
This is according to the Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe (GALZ), a national network of 6,000 gay men and women formed in 1989 to champion and protect the interests of the gay community in Zimbabwe.
Men who have sex with men are at high risk from HIV/AIDS, but l Madzikure, said the government's attitude towards homosexuals had made it extremely difficult for his organisation to target the gay community with prevention messages.
Zimbabwe's Sexual Offences Act forbids homosexuality and President Robert Mugabe has lambasted gays and lesbians on several occasions, describing them as "worse than pigs and dogs".
"Our government is rabidly anti-gays, and this makes it almost impossible for us to reach out to our membership, some of whom would not want to be known because of the pervasive anti-gay sentiments in government and society in general," said Madzikure.
Tongai (last name withheld), an HIV-positive member of GALZ, said he had experienced great difficulty in accessing treatment and counselling at public health institutions and nongovernmental AIDS service organisations.
"Most AIDS service organisations in this country do not want to be associated with gays. Once they know you are gay, they will not help you - they will try to frustrate you so that you don't come back," he said.
Such discrimination is even more pronounced in public health institutions. "Last year, I was nearly refused treatment at a local clinic because 'I was behaving like a gay'. I was suffering from tuberculosis (TB), coughing persistently. I was finally treated, but they had humiliated me," said Tongai.
Madzikure alleged that the government intentionally excluded gays and lesbians from national HIV/AIDS awareness, prevention and treatment programmes. "If you walk into any government health institution now you will find that there is no information or literature on gays and lesbians."
The Minister of Health and Child Welfare, David Parirenyatwa, refuted these allegations, saying all Zimbabweans were accorded the same status by health institutions. "When a person goes to a health centre, that person is not asked his or her sexual orientation," he told IRIN PlusNews.
Efforts by GALZ to obtain government assistance in establishing the exact number of gays and lesbians infected by HIV have been frustrated, as have their requests to meet with Parirenyatwa.
Chitiga Mbanje of the Centre, a nongovernmental organisation that provides counselling, training and home-based care to people living with HIV/AIDS, confirmed that HIV prevalence appeared to be very high in the gay community.
"Lack of information means they expose themselves not only to AIDS, but to many other diseases. This is a direct result of homophobia in our country," Mbanje commented.
Despite the pervasive homophobia in Zimbabwe, GALZ has seen its membership rise steadily, with about 400 new members joining each year.
"It is apparent that homosexuality exists throughout society, including rural areas," said Madzikure. "Even if Mugabe does not accept it, it [homosexuality] is there, and it will not go away. We have to accept that it exists, so that we can work together in addressing HIV/AIDS amongthe gay community."
Chairman of the Zimbabwe National Network for People Living with HIV (ZNPP+), Benjamin Mazhindu, called for legislation on homosexuality to be changed. "What we need to do is fight for a change of laws so that gays are given recognition. Without that, fighting AIDS among homosexuals will be futile."
Edited by ZimJournalists Arise.
Disclaimer: While ZimJournalists Arise is aware of the fact that most Zimbabwean including journalists, generally view homosexuality with disdain. However this blog believes it’s a progressive one, that strives for a better Zimbabwean Journalist, that values, human right, democracy, transparency and tolerance. Tolerance that does not discriminate on the basis of color, creed, sex, religion or sexual orientation. It is not our aim to offend anyone but to provide meaningful debate on issues, all issues including that of Gays. The publicly-owned media, obviously because of its ownership cannot be expected to give coverage to this group of people, but has the independent media done any better? Except for the occasional story usually when the administration makes hateful remarks, the team realizes that this section of our society is not catered for.
Our initiative to bring this debate has been brought about by this article by PlusNews where, Gays with HIV/AIDS are not getting help and not been targeted in the fight against this horrible disease. Your comments and contributions are welcome, we would especially like to hear from those living outside Zimbabwe to hear how their host countries are treating the coverage of Gays. Also GALZ who we believe is part of our mailing list is welcome to share their point of with us.
Thank you
Reporting by PLUSNEWS
GALZ's attempts to advertise its services in the media have also met with resistance. The sole national broadcaster, ZTV, and national radio stations have refused adverts by GALZ. Zimbabwe Broadcasting Holdings (ZBH) spokesperson Sivukile Simango refused to comment but an officialfrom ZBH, who requested anonymity, confirmed that it was the organization’s policy not to accept adverts aimed at gays and lesbians.
Many gay people, particularly in rural areas, were unaware of the HIV counseling and education services offered by GALZ, and lacked information on how to protect themselves from the virus. "A lot of gay men in Zimbabwe have died silently through ignorance and multiple stigmatisationof homosexuality and seropositivity. As a result, there is a growing sense of urgency to extend services to this community," said Samuel Madzikure, GALZ programme manager for health.
Efforts to address the HIV/AIDS epidemic among Zimbabwe's homosexual population are being frustrated by homophobia in the government and society.
This is according to the Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe (GALZ), a national network of 6,000 gay men and women formed in 1989 to champion and protect the interests of the gay community in Zimbabwe.
Men who have sex with men are at high risk from HIV/AIDS, but l Madzikure, said the government's attitude towards homosexuals had made it extremely difficult for his organisation to target the gay community with prevention messages.
Zimbabwe's Sexual Offences Act forbids homosexuality and President Robert Mugabe has lambasted gays and lesbians on several occasions, describing them as "worse than pigs and dogs".
"Our government is rabidly anti-gays, and this makes it almost impossible for us to reach out to our membership, some of whom would not want to be known because of the pervasive anti-gay sentiments in government and society in general," said Madzikure.
Tongai (last name withheld), an HIV-positive member of GALZ, said he had experienced great difficulty in accessing treatment and counselling at public health institutions and nongovernmental AIDS service organisations.
"Most AIDS service organisations in this country do not want to be associated with gays. Once they know you are gay, they will not help you - they will try to frustrate you so that you don't come back," he said.
Such discrimination is even more pronounced in public health institutions. "Last year, I was nearly refused treatment at a local clinic because 'I was behaving like a gay'. I was suffering from tuberculosis (TB), coughing persistently. I was finally treated, but they had humiliated me," said Tongai.
Madzikure alleged that the government intentionally excluded gays and lesbians from national HIV/AIDS awareness, prevention and treatment programmes. "If you walk into any government health institution now you will find that there is no information or literature on gays and lesbians."
The Minister of Health and Child Welfare, David Parirenyatwa, refuted these allegations, saying all Zimbabweans were accorded the same status by health institutions. "When a person goes to a health centre, that person is not asked his or her sexual orientation," he told IRIN PlusNews.
Efforts by GALZ to obtain government assistance in establishing the exact number of gays and lesbians infected by HIV have been frustrated, as have their requests to meet with Parirenyatwa.
Chitiga Mbanje of the Centre, a nongovernmental organisation that provides counselling, training and home-based care to people living with HIV/AIDS, confirmed that HIV prevalence appeared to be very high in the gay community.
"Lack of information means they expose themselves not only to AIDS, but to many other diseases. This is a direct result of homophobia in our country," Mbanje commented.
Despite the pervasive homophobia in Zimbabwe, GALZ has seen its membership rise steadily, with about 400 new members joining each year.
"It is apparent that homosexuality exists throughout society, including rural areas," said Madzikure. "Even if Mugabe does not accept it, it [homosexuality] is there, and it will not go away. We have to accept that it exists, so that we can work together in addressing HIV/AIDS amongthe gay community."
Chairman of the Zimbabwe National Network for People Living with HIV (ZNPP+), Benjamin Mazhindu, called for legislation on homosexuality to be changed. "What we need to do is fight for a change of laws so that gays are given recognition. Without that, fighting AIDS among homosexuals will be futile."
Edited by ZimJournalists Arise.
A ZANU-PF Split Imminent???
Yesterday ZimJournalists Arise published Part 1 on this brilliant piece from Sokwanele. Today we publish Part 11 in line with OUR view that the SUCCESSION story is going to be the biggest story for Zimbabwean JOURNOS. The present Mugabe scenario is well documented but the future is UNKNOWN as we try and sort out whether it be the either two MDC’s or that change will come from within ZANU-PF itself or whether from the ARMY. From the events that are unfolding, it seems while journos’s have feasted (sometimes with vulture like zest) on the MDC split a major story is unfolding in front of our eyes.So guys lets start sniffing!!!!
Voice Of Reason
Only the Zanu PF National Chairman, John Nkomo, seems to have seen the light, calling for unity of purpose among party members and the leadership in Matabeleland North province, and urging them to desist from gossip which is threatening to destroy the party.
What do we make of all of this?There are indeed implications in all of this for both the party and for individuals within the party (including, of course, Mugabe).As mentioned above, the only voice of reason (looking at it from the Zanu PF side) appears to be John Nkomo.
Interviewed recently in the government paper, The Sunday News, Nkomo called on the party to remain united at all times, following with the warning: ..."but as we pursue this spirit of openness, let us do so in the spirit of building the party, our party. Let it be constructive criticism. I am against rumour-mongers. There are some of the people [sic] who peddle lies and in so doing contribute toward the disintegration of the party….Mind you, those calling for the regime change are looking at the cracks that could be coming up. Let us make sure that no cracks come in to divide us. Let us be one, but there must be openness among party members. Nobody is bigger than the party."
This is the party that got its biggest fright ever in the 2000 Parliamentary Elections, where the opposition MDC gained 57 of the 120 elected seats - an unprecedented challenge to a party that has been largely unopposed since Independence in 1980. Despite its impressive wins, the MDC was cheated, as the regime rigged the results not only in this election, but also in the 2002 Presidential Election and again in the 2005 Parliamentary Election.
Had they been free and fair, and that means a free and fair environment too, Zanu PF did not have any hope of winning any of these elections. It simply does not have the support of the people any longer. And the wise among them know this.So the cracks, yea rifts, that are appearing in the regime are vigorously ringing the alarm bells in the corridors of power.
How long can a party which is riven by in-fighting go on? Zanu PF as we have known it for the last 26 years is busy imploding.Mugabe himself does not have a future - he is a pathetic old man, rattling on about liberation politics and the conspiracies of the West. It is time for him to step down, but his party is not yet clear on who should replace him.
Perhaps the most important evidence of the deep cancer within Zanu PF's body politic came a few weeks ago when the Zanu PF Secretary for Information Nathan Shamuyarira announced that plans were being considered for Mugabe's term to be extended from 2008 to 2010.
Within days Mutasa debunked that idea and said there were no such plans. Shamuyarira was then forced to try to save face by saying he was "misquoted" - that wonderful hiding place politicians try to use when they have been publicly humiliated.Let us make the point that there can be no greater crisis within any political party than a disagreement over how long a party leader should remain in office.
One just has to look at the furor created in Britain over when Tony Blair will stand down to see what divisions such a debate can cause within a political party. But of course that has happened in the Labour Party, a party which for all its faults does not settle its differences using AK 47s.Zanu PF on the other hand has a long history of settling its internal problems and political contestations violently.
The stakes are now very high because there is clearly a fundamental disagreement as to when Mugabe himself should go. Clearly some want his term to end in 2008 whereas others want him to continue until 2010.It is not fanciful to speculate that it is the Mujuru faction which is happy for Mugabe's term to be extended for it is that faction that needs more time now that Joice Mujuru hasn't worked out as they had hoped. They are the ones that need more time to get an acceptable candidate in place. On the other hand Mnangagwa appears to be gaining the upper hand within Zanu PF and his faction are clearly happy to see the back of Mugabe by 2008 so that Mnangagwa can contest for the leadership of Zanu PF and the presidency of Zimbabwe.Mnangagwa appears to be pulling out all the stops - the recent reports that he is behind the arrests of businessmen (thus further harming the economy) and the evictions of productive farmers in Chipinge and Kwe Kwe (also further damaging the economy) indicate that he is doing all he can to undermine Joice Mujuru's efforts to resuscitate the economy.
That, although despicable, is politically understandable, because if Mrs Mujuru manages to stabilise the economy prior to her run for the top job in 2008 her chances of succeeding will be greater. However, and conversely, if during her "watch" the economy continues to crumble, that will enhance Mnangagwa's claim that he is the only Zanu PF leader who has the business acumen to turn the country around.But all of this is of course a high risk strategy.
One cannot help but think of all the frantic maneuvering of the Nazis in the final days of the Third Reich. Himmler, Goebels and Bormann were consumed with jealousy in Hitler's final days over the question of who would succeed Hitler and lead the "next Nazi government". These power struggles took place as late as April 1945 when Russian tanks were only a few blocks away from the Fuhrer bunker. To all objective observers the power struggle was an absolutely pointless exercise as there was no possibility that the Nazis would survive the Allied onslaught - but jostle for power they did even in the final days.
State House in Harare may not have Russian tanks anywhere in its vicinity but there are other hostile tanks around - such as inflation, economic collapse and the mounting anger of the people. The days of this regime are numbered and the increasing infighting within Zanu PF is the surest sign of its impending collapse.As for the country, the divisions and splits can only be good news, presaging the end of a regime which has dealt out death and destruction - quite literally - to millions. Its demise cannot come too soon. If there is to be any hope of beginning to repair the terrible damage that Zanu PF has inflicted upon Zimbabwe there must be fresh elections, held soon and under credible international supervision, to ensure that the people of Zimbabwe, as distinct from a privileged clique of discredited politicians, can pass their (long delayed) judgment on this delinquent regime and usher in an altogether new dispensation based on justice and the rule of law. We hope that a time will come in the not too distant future, when we can go to the polls again; not amidst violence and intimidation and cheating, but peacefully, and supervised by impartial, international observers. We need democracy, and the demise of the present Zanu PF power structure is a pre-requisite for that fundamental shift. We need an end to Zanu PF as we know it. We need peace, stability and prosperity. Let us work together to make this happen.
Viva Zimbabwe!
Yesterday ZimJournalists Arise published Part 1 on this brilliant piece from Sokwanele. Today we publish Part 11 in line with OUR view that the SUCCESSION story is going to be the biggest story for Zimbabwean JOURNOS. The present Mugabe scenario is well documented but the future is UNKNOWN as we try and sort out whether it be the either two MDC’s or that change will come from within ZANU-PF itself or whether from the ARMY. From the events that are unfolding, it seems while journos’s have feasted (sometimes with vulture like zest) on the MDC split a major story is unfolding in front of our eyes.So guys lets start sniffing!!!!
Voice Of Reason
Only the Zanu PF National Chairman, John Nkomo, seems to have seen the light, calling for unity of purpose among party members and the leadership in Matabeleland North province, and urging them to desist from gossip which is threatening to destroy the party.
What do we make of all of this?There are indeed implications in all of this for both the party and for individuals within the party (including, of course, Mugabe).As mentioned above, the only voice of reason (looking at it from the Zanu PF side) appears to be John Nkomo.
Interviewed recently in the government paper, The Sunday News, Nkomo called on the party to remain united at all times, following with the warning: ..."but as we pursue this spirit of openness, let us do so in the spirit of building the party, our party. Let it be constructive criticism. I am against rumour-mongers. There are some of the people [sic] who peddle lies and in so doing contribute toward the disintegration of the party….Mind you, those calling for the regime change are looking at the cracks that could be coming up. Let us make sure that no cracks come in to divide us. Let us be one, but there must be openness among party members. Nobody is bigger than the party."
This is the party that got its biggest fright ever in the 2000 Parliamentary Elections, where the opposition MDC gained 57 of the 120 elected seats - an unprecedented challenge to a party that has been largely unopposed since Independence in 1980. Despite its impressive wins, the MDC was cheated, as the regime rigged the results not only in this election, but also in the 2002 Presidential Election and again in the 2005 Parliamentary Election.
Had they been free and fair, and that means a free and fair environment too, Zanu PF did not have any hope of winning any of these elections. It simply does not have the support of the people any longer. And the wise among them know this.So the cracks, yea rifts, that are appearing in the regime are vigorously ringing the alarm bells in the corridors of power.
How long can a party which is riven by in-fighting go on? Zanu PF as we have known it for the last 26 years is busy imploding.Mugabe himself does not have a future - he is a pathetic old man, rattling on about liberation politics and the conspiracies of the West. It is time for him to step down, but his party is not yet clear on who should replace him.
Perhaps the most important evidence of the deep cancer within Zanu PF's body politic came a few weeks ago when the Zanu PF Secretary for Information Nathan Shamuyarira announced that plans were being considered for Mugabe's term to be extended from 2008 to 2010.
Within days Mutasa debunked that idea and said there were no such plans. Shamuyarira was then forced to try to save face by saying he was "misquoted" - that wonderful hiding place politicians try to use when they have been publicly humiliated.Let us make the point that there can be no greater crisis within any political party than a disagreement over how long a party leader should remain in office.
One just has to look at the furor created in Britain over when Tony Blair will stand down to see what divisions such a debate can cause within a political party. But of course that has happened in the Labour Party, a party which for all its faults does not settle its differences using AK 47s.Zanu PF on the other hand has a long history of settling its internal problems and political contestations violently.
The stakes are now very high because there is clearly a fundamental disagreement as to when Mugabe himself should go. Clearly some want his term to end in 2008 whereas others want him to continue until 2010.It is not fanciful to speculate that it is the Mujuru faction which is happy for Mugabe's term to be extended for it is that faction that needs more time now that Joice Mujuru hasn't worked out as they had hoped. They are the ones that need more time to get an acceptable candidate in place. On the other hand Mnangagwa appears to be gaining the upper hand within Zanu PF and his faction are clearly happy to see the back of Mugabe by 2008 so that Mnangagwa can contest for the leadership of Zanu PF and the presidency of Zimbabwe.Mnangagwa appears to be pulling out all the stops - the recent reports that he is behind the arrests of businessmen (thus further harming the economy) and the evictions of productive farmers in Chipinge and Kwe Kwe (also further damaging the economy) indicate that he is doing all he can to undermine Joice Mujuru's efforts to resuscitate the economy.
That, although despicable, is politically understandable, because if Mrs Mujuru manages to stabilise the economy prior to her run for the top job in 2008 her chances of succeeding will be greater. However, and conversely, if during her "watch" the economy continues to crumble, that will enhance Mnangagwa's claim that he is the only Zanu PF leader who has the business acumen to turn the country around.But all of this is of course a high risk strategy.
One cannot help but think of all the frantic maneuvering of the Nazis in the final days of the Third Reich. Himmler, Goebels and Bormann were consumed with jealousy in Hitler's final days over the question of who would succeed Hitler and lead the "next Nazi government". These power struggles took place as late as April 1945 when Russian tanks were only a few blocks away from the Fuhrer bunker. To all objective observers the power struggle was an absolutely pointless exercise as there was no possibility that the Nazis would survive the Allied onslaught - but jostle for power they did even in the final days.
State House in Harare may not have Russian tanks anywhere in its vicinity but there are other hostile tanks around - such as inflation, economic collapse and the mounting anger of the people. The days of this regime are numbered and the increasing infighting within Zanu PF is the surest sign of its impending collapse.As for the country, the divisions and splits can only be good news, presaging the end of a regime which has dealt out death and destruction - quite literally - to millions. Its demise cannot come too soon. If there is to be any hope of beginning to repair the terrible damage that Zanu PF has inflicted upon Zimbabwe there must be fresh elections, held soon and under credible international supervision, to ensure that the people of Zimbabwe, as distinct from a privileged clique of discredited politicians, can pass their (long delayed) judgment on this delinquent regime and usher in an altogether new dispensation based on justice and the rule of law. We hope that a time will come in the not too distant future, when we can go to the polls again; not amidst violence and intimidation and cheating, but peacefully, and supervised by impartial, international observers. We need democracy, and the demise of the present Zanu PF power structure is a pre-requisite for that fundamental shift. We need an end to Zanu PF as we know it. We need peace, stability and prosperity. Let us work together to make this happen.
Viva Zimbabwe!
Wednesday, October 25, 2006
Robson Sharuko Wins Cosafa Castle Cup’s Award For Best Print Journalist
Congrats Robson
Reporting by The Nation and Herald
Veteran sports journo and editor Robson Sharuko has won this year’s COSAFA Castle Cup for best print journo, that will see the Herald House employee pocketing a cool R12 000.
The award, which is sponsored by the South African Breweries Limited also include a fully sponsored trips whenever the Warriors are playing away in the competition for the next three years.
Nation Publications Limited (NPL) award-winning sports journalist Garry Chirwa missed the Cosafa Castle to come out as second best to Sharuko.
Chirwa said while he would have loved to clinch the first position, he felt Sharuko deserved the award.
“I am not disappointed that I came second best, what matters is the recognition. It shows that the media experts appreciated my job. Sharuko deserved the award. He did a very good job, and being one of the sports journalists I admire, I am happy for him,” said Chirwa, who also has over 14 local and international awards to his name.
Sharuko has been with the Herald for 14 years.
Said Sharuko on his award:
"I believe this is the culmination of a very good year for us as a newspaper where we led the way with some of the stories that shook our football scene.
"I think after exposing the World Cup ticket scandal and the problems within the PSL that led to the resignation of chief executive Chris Sambo, you can probably say that we deserved some recognition….
Congrats Robson
Reporting by The Nation and Herald
Veteran sports journo and editor Robson Sharuko has won this year’s COSAFA Castle Cup for best print journo, that will see the Herald House employee pocketing a cool R12 000.
The award, which is sponsored by the South African Breweries Limited also include a fully sponsored trips whenever the Warriors are playing away in the competition for the next three years.
Nation Publications Limited (NPL) award-winning sports journalist Garry Chirwa missed the Cosafa Castle to come out as second best to Sharuko.
Chirwa said while he would have loved to clinch the first position, he felt Sharuko deserved the award.
“I am not disappointed that I came second best, what matters is the recognition. It shows that the media experts appreciated my job. Sharuko deserved the award. He did a very good job, and being one of the sports journalists I admire, I am happy for him,” said Chirwa, who also has over 14 local and international awards to his name.
Sharuko has been with the Herald for 14 years.
Said Sharuko on his award:
"I believe this is the culmination of a very good year for us as a newspaper where we led the way with some of the stories that shook our football scene.
"I think after exposing the World Cup ticket scandal and the problems within the PSL that led to the resignation of chief executive Chris Sambo, you can probably say that we deserved some recognition….
A ZANU-PF SPLIT!!!!
ZimJournalists Arise Stumbled on this brilliant piece from Sokwanele. Like we usually say we are not a news blog but we believe that the SUCCESSION story is going to be the biggest story for Zimbabwean JOURNOS. The present Mugabe scenario is well documented but the future is UNKNOWN as we try and sort out whether it be the either two MDC’s or that change will come from within ZANU-PF itself or whether from the ARMY. From the events that are unfolding, it seems while journos’s have feasted (sometimes with vulture like zest) on the MDC split a major story is unfolding in front of our eyes.So guys lets start sniffing!!!!
PART 1
In defiance of their strategy, we draw our eyes away from the opposition, and refocus on the ruling party, Zanu PF, the true cause of the country's woes.
The cracks that are apparent have appeared along three main fault lines: firstly, the scapegoats or sacrificial lambs such as Christopher Kuruneri and even Philip Chiyangwa; secondly, there is a strong link to the succession debate as bigwigs jostle for the top job of President, and their minions line up behind them; and thirdly, the inevitable casualties from internecine warfare caused by personal ambition and regional turf wars.
The scapegoatsChristopher Kuruneri must be the shortest-lived Finance Minister ever: he was appointed in February 2004, and just a couple of weeks thereafter was arrested and charged with illegally exporting foreign currency, under the Exchange Control Act. The media had a field day unearthing various properties in South Africa purported to be owned by him, including some palatial houses in Cape Town. He spent nearly 18 months behind bars and, in July 2005, was released from remand prison and placed under 24 hour house arrest at his Glen Lorne home. His trial was postponed indefinitely in September last year owing to his poor health. He is also still awaiting sentence following his conviction on a separate charge of breaching the Citizenship Act.
In view of the known excesses and suspected misdemeanors of others in the Zanu PF camp, why was Kuruneri selected for such treatment? The immediate answer that comes to mind is that the ruling party wanted to be seen to be acting to stamp out corruption, even within its own ranks. Hence a scapegoat had to be found who, in biblical terminology, would bear the punishment of many. By exposing one of their own, and making him face the full wrath of the law, the regime could claim that it was truly intent on defeating the Zimbabwean scourge of corruption, and attempt to show the international community (not least the IMF) that it was truly committed to this path.
Such headline news also provided - and this type of news continues to provide - a welcome diversionary tactic from whatever else the regime wanted to hide from the eyes of the public it is supposed to serve.However, from what appeared to be its initial role as a means to provide scapegoats, the anti-corruption drive of the ruling party has gathered momentum and is a useful means of publicly punishing those who might find themselves out of favour with the power-brokers of the regime.
It is also a very effective way of reining in all Zanu bigwigs and associates, using threats and fear to limit their power.The man in charge of all this, Paul Mangwana (Anti-Corruption and Anti-Monopolies Minister), said government had re-invigorated the anti-corruption drive which would result in a number of high-profile personalities being arraigned before the courts, no doubt instilling fear into the hearts of many. It surely serves Mugabe's interests to keep everyone on their toes, none too confident and all thoroughly subservient, confirming the need to impose a unity of fear where there is no true unity.
Caught With Pants Down
Those who have recently been punished include Bright Matonga (Deputy Information Minister), Charles Nherera (Chairman of Zupco), John Bredenkamp (controversial tycoon and long-time friend of Zanu PF) and Samuel Muvuti (acting CEO of the GMB). Even Emmerson Mnangagwa, the one-time heir apparent, has been under investigation. Bright Matonga and Charles Nherera were arrested in July this year on corruption charges. The two are accused of having received USD10 000 each from a Mr Jayesh Shah to enable Shah to supply Zupco (the state-run transport company - and for "state" here, read "Zanu PF") with new busses. Nherera has also just recently been convicted in another corruption case involving soliciting a USD5 000 bribe for each bus supplied to Zupco by Shah. Ruling party sources said the arrest of Matonga had sent tremors through the Zanu PF establishment, indicating the levels of fear among them and, as evidence of the spreading net, the lawyers of the accused have asked Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa to specify and investigate Shah, the state's key witness in both their cases. This comes 2 weeks after the lawyer issued an ultimatum to the Attorney General's office demanding an explanation as to why Shah was granted immunity from prosecution in the graft case, and asking the question: "…why is Mr Shah an apparent sacred cow?"Samuel Muvuti, the acting CEO of the Grain Marketing Board parastatal (GMB) was arrested in August and charged under the country's Prevention of Corruption Act. He is alleged to have used workers from the grain company to work on his private farm in northern Zimbabwe.
Nelson Chamisa, the spokesman for the MDC Tsvangirai) said the arrest of Muvuti confirmed beyond reasonable doubt that the ruling Zanu PF party was the "breeding ground of corruption" and unbridled political patronage. "The MDC believes that his arrest is a token attempt by a cornered regime to be seen to be taking action on a serious scourge that has taken root in the higher echelons of Zanu PF and the government… Muvuti and …Nherera are just but small fish in a bigger pond replete with corrupt sharks and tigers… A genuine commitment to arrest unbridled corruption would basically mean this regime would have to incarcerate itself".
On that same subject, we think too of the use of huge numbers of civil servants and other government employees working on Mugabe's various farms, courtesy of Minister Made (as ever out to ingratiate himself with his patron). How does this regime have the temerity to charge Muvuti for offences which the dictator brazenly commits on a grand scale and without any questions raised?The succession debateConventional wisdom has it that the two principal contenders for the top job were Mnangagwa and Joice Mujuru, but a third has lately joined the fray: Gideon Gono.
The Gideon Gono Factor
Until the end of 2004, the heir-apparent to the Mugabe throne was Emmerson Mnangagwa - that is to say, in Mugabe's eyes, he was heir-apparent; he had many fellow contenders, but none appeared to have won Mugabe's favour in the same way. That all changed with what has now become known as the Tsholotsho Declaration, where dissenting heavy-weights like Mnangagwa, Jonathan Moyo and 6 provincial chairpersons were flushed out, caught in an apparent plot to orchestrate Mugabe's stepping down from power, and a new person stepping in.Mnangagwa was, until four years ago, the holder of the keys to Zanu PF's business empire, but has since been replaced.
Tied in to the anti-corruption drive is what is seen as a mission to push this man, the former Secretary for Administration, out of Zanu PF's succession stakes. Internal and external audits into Zanu PF companies have been threatened, as one of the main bases for the fresh blitz on corruption. John Bredenkamp has also been targeted and recently arrested but subsequently acquitted on charges of holding two passports - he was cited as a financier of his erstwhile ally Mnangagwa in a report allegedly compiled for Mugabe by former State Security Minister Nicholas Goche in the wake of the November 2004 Tsholotsho meeting. It was alleged that he had provided billions of dollars to fund Mnangagwa's campaign to become vice-president and eventually to succeed Mugabe. Bredenkamp has denied the claims but senior Zanu PF officials, in particular the faction led by retired army commander, General Solomon Mujuru, continue to view him with suspicion.
The media reports that Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) Governor Gideon Gono also has presidential aspirations. Until quite recently just a prominent banker, Gono has risen to power as head of the RBZ and clearly someone close to the ear of Mugabe. It is reported that Gono has provoked a storm of anger in ruling Zanu PF circles, not only angling for the presidency, but also taking upon himself powers beyond those normally given to the head of a country's central bank, and straying into the domain of fiscal, rather than purely monetary, policies. Whatever Gono's credentials as Governor of the RBZ, his most striking feature observed by ordinary Zimbabweans is his total subservience to Mugabe and his political agenda - a banker therefore trying to do the impossible, and not having the courage to confront the main cause of the country's economic plight.The Mujuru camp is said to be seething with anger at Gono over the new currency and has vowed to fight him to the end; they have also complained that Gono has been attacking their business interests by closing banks and companies. Just after the new currency was introduced, a group of angry ministers was apparently heard at a local restaurant in the Avenues, saying "Gono has gone too far and must be stopped now!" They were enraged because as members of cabinet they were not aware that new bearers cheques were being introduced on the Tuesday, the same day that cabinet meets, and when Gono announced the issue in Parliament, ministers appeared shocked. It appears that only Mugabe and the army and CIO knew about this in advance, which was seen by Zanu PF members as an indication that Gono had become embedded with Mugabe, and with state security and the army - widely seen in ruling party ranks as the building blocks to power. Interestingly, Gono remarked at a public meeting in Bulawayo, shortly after the launch of the new currency, that he would not be intimidated by people brandishing liberation war credentials, a statement seen as targeted directly at the Mujuru camp.
Gono has not endeared himself either to Herbert Murerwa: not even Murerwa, the Finance Minister, had been consulted in advance on the new currency initiative! Mutumwa Mawere, a now-exiled top Zimbabwean businessman, comments: "Through a combination of patronage and intimidation, Gono is now a feared man in Zimbabwe. He is effectively the CEO of Zimbabwe Inc. and has effective control of the state machinery and anyone who dares challenge him risks a lot".Until recently Vice-President Joice Mujuru appeared to be the front-runner in the succession stakes, it now appears that her plans have been torpedoed by her rivals: Mnangagwa and Gono. Even her own husband now appears to concede that she does not have what it takes to run the country and Zanu PF. The issue of who is to succeed Mugabe is clearly causing mighty divisions within the party, although one commentator noted that to expect Mugabe's voluntary retirement is day-dreaming, when he no longer trusts anyone. As The Standard newspaper reported at the beginning of September, "the false ray of hope created by misguided reports on Mugabe encouraging Zanu PF members to discuss his succession should be contextualized; those who dared to democratically influence the composition of the presidium were humiliated, sacked, demoted, managed, jailed and forgotten. Ask Prof Jonathan Moyo."
In the meantime, the party is splitting along its main fault lines.Personal ambitions and turf warsPolitics is a dirty game for the unscrupulous. It is therefore a good place to get even with one's enemy; certainly a good opportunity to wash someone else's dirty linen in a public place.Perhaps the most bizarre and unlikely of all the divisions emerging in the ruling party is that public example currently being made of Patrick Chinamasa, the Minister of Justice. Rather, as with Mnangagwa, it would have seemed inconceivable a few short years ago for someone so close to Mugabe to be allowed to be taken to court. Justice simply would not have prevailed, and any valid legal case would have been dropped quietly; it follows then, that the court case against Chinamasa has almost certainly been sanctioned by the top man himself.
Chinamasa has been brought to court in a complicated legal case, or rather series of cases. The background is as follows: James Kaunye, a war veteran, himself facing attempted murder charges, brought a charge against the supporters of Didymus Mutasa (National Security and Land Reform Minister), accusing those supporters of attacking him to try to stop him from running against Mutasa in the Zanu PF primary elections; those supporters have since been convicted of this crime; Chinamasa has now been charged by the state ("the state" - note carefully!) of trying to get Kaunye to withdraw the charges against Mutasa's supporters, promising him a senatorial seat if he did not challenge Mutasa.An added twist to the already complicated tale is that magistrates in Rusape refused to preside over Patrick Chinamasa's trial, alleging that Mutasa had accused them of being MDC members! Chinamasa was acquitted in early September after the court ruled that the state had dismally failed to prove a prima-facie case against him. However appeal papers have now been filed at the High Court, as the Attorney General claims that the lower court had erred in its judgement. Interestingly, after his acquittal, Chinamasa spoke to journalists and said that the motive of his prosecution was to humiliate and embarrass him and to cause him to be kicked out of the system. Clearly Chinamasa has fallen from grace. Not only so, but for reasons best known to themselves, those who wield effective power under Mugabe are clearly determined to fix him.All sorts of other ministers, senators and Zanu PF followers have also been reported as being at loggerheads with each other, often in petty personal or regional vendettas. These don't have the national implications of, say, the succession debate, but they do portray a party which is hopelessly divided. Such an outcome is hardly surprising, given that ZANU PF has no other real core convictions now, apart from the frenzied desire to stay in power and to plunder whatever national resources remain: the only unity possible is that imposed by the Godfather over the Mafia.First, there's the regional infighting detailed earlier in this article concerning Bright Matonga and the Zupco chairman, Nherera, which has its roots in the Mashonaland West power struggles.
Mash West Wars
Matonga is involved in a fight for land with farmer Tom Beattie, a self-confessed financier of the ruling party; it seems that senior Zanu PF officials in the province had sided with Beattie in the struggle, and "Matonga is paying the price", we are told.Then, still in Mashonaland West, Hurungwe West MP Cecilia Dausi Gwachiwa has been suspended, as she is suspected of cohabiting with a suspected MDC sympathizer - the newspapers have had fun with this one! The provincial executive, led by John Mafa, is seeking her ouster from the ruling party, but it seems that tribalism and regionalism were behind Gwachiwa's ordeal, as she is viewed as an outsider, coming originally from Manicaland. Heavily armed security agents have also stormed her government-allocated farm allegedly in search of weapons. Constituency members say that the incident was indicative of how the Zanu PF leadership in Mashonaland West was determined to kick Gwachiwa out of the party by raising "petty" personal issues against her.Thirdly, we have the long-standing regional turf war being played out in the City of Harare, where the residents are the only losers, and there are no winners.
Zanu PF's Harare province Secretary for Information and Publicity is reported as saying that there was concern among party members over Chombo's continued appointment of people from Mashonaland West to the commission running the affairs of the City of Harare; Chombo is the Minister for Local Government, Public Works and National Housing. There has been a recent, unprecedented, outburst from the Zanu PF executive in the capital, condemning Makwavarara's administration at Town House (she crossed the floor twice - once from Zanu PF to the MDC, and then back again, and has been put in charge of the interim commission appointed to run the City of Harare following the ouster of the MDC mayor). Zanu PF central committee members in Harare have publicly given her a vote of no confidence, but further action against her has been forestalled by Chombo's dogged defence of her and the party's concerns over an all-out war. The powers that be in the Harare province of the ruling party believe that Makwavarara does not have the capacity to turn around the fortunes of the city, once dubbed Sunshine City. It is reported to be Zanu PF politburo member Tendai Savanhu (believed to harbour ambitions to run the affairs of the city himself), versus Makwavarara and Chombo. Savanhu appears to be the force behind the Zanu PF faction baying for the lady's blood.The crux of the matter is in this: Zanu PF Harare province has said that the continued extension of the Makwavarara commission's term would jeopardize the ruling party's chances of making an impact in any election in Harare. Now that is something of great concern to Zanu PF, who are determined not to relinquish power for fear of the benefits they will lose, and for fear that their past sins will be uncovered by a new regime. "Makwavarara's case is being discussed in the highest echelons of Zanu PF….", we're told - we can believe it!
Matebeleland Wars,
And not to be outdone, Matabeleland has its fair share of regional infighting too. Andrew Langa (the Deputy Minister of Environment and Tourism, and MP for Insiza) has reported his Zanu PF colleague Sithembiso Nyoni to the Police (Nyoni is the Minister of Small and Medium-Scale Enterprises and Development - the one who can't seem to win any election of her own). Langa alleges that Nyoni threatened him on the phone following a farmers' meeting in Fort Rixon to discuss stock theft. At that meeting, Langa apparently told the farmers that senior politicians in the area were behind the stock thefts, but did not mention any names; Nyoni saw this as a personal attack, and thence followed the phone call leading to the charge against her.
And party members from the Women's League demonstrated against the MP for Bubi Umguza, Obert Mpofu, on allegations of untoward behaviour against the party members and leadership.
Part 11 of this article will be published for Friday, Tomorrow.
ZimJournalists Arise Stumbled on this brilliant piece from Sokwanele. Like we usually say we are not a news blog but we believe that the SUCCESSION story is going to be the biggest story for Zimbabwean JOURNOS. The present Mugabe scenario is well documented but the future is UNKNOWN as we try and sort out whether it be the either two MDC’s or that change will come from within ZANU-PF itself or whether from the ARMY. From the events that are unfolding, it seems while journos’s have feasted (sometimes with vulture like zest) on the MDC split a major story is unfolding in front of our eyes.So guys lets start sniffing!!!!
PART 1
In defiance of their strategy, we draw our eyes away from the opposition, and refocus on the ruling party, Zanu PF, the true cause of the country's woes.
The cracks that are apparent have appeared along three main fault lines: firstly, the scapegoats or sacrificial lambs such as Christopher Kuruneri and even Philip Chiyangwa; secondly, there is a strong link to the succession debate as bigwigs jostle for the top job of President, and their minions line up behind them; and thirdly, the inevitable casualties from internecine warfare caused by personal ambition and regional turf wars.
The scapegoatsChristopher Kuruneri must be the shortest-lived Finance Minister ever: he was appointed in February 2004, and just a couple of weeks thereafter was arrested and charged with illegally exporting foreign currency, under the Exchange Control Act. The media had a field day unearthing various properties in South Africa purported to be owned by him, including some palatial houses in Cape Town. He spent nearly 18 months behind bars and, in July 2005, was released from remand prison and placed under 24 hour house arrest at his Glen Lorne home. His trial was postponed indefinitely in September last year owing to his poor health. He is also still awaiting sentence following his conviction on a separate charge of breaching the Citizenship Act.
In view of the known excesses and suspected misdemeanors of others in the Zanu PF camp, why was Kuruneri selected for such treatment? The immediate answer that comes to mind is that the ruling party wanted to be seen to be acting to stamp out corruption, even within its own ranks. Hence a scapegoat had to be found who, in biblical terminology, would bear the punishment of many. By exposing one of their own, and making him face the full wrath of the law, the regime could claim that it was truly intent on defeating the Zimbabwean scourge of corruption, and attempt to show the international community (not least the IMF) that it was truly committed to this path.
Such headline news also provided - and this type of news continues to provide - a welcome diversionary tactic from whatever else the regime wanted to hide from the eyes of the public it is supposed to serve.However, from what appeared to be its initial role as a means to provide scapegoats, the anti-corruption drive of the ruling party has gathered momentum and is a useful means of publicly punishing those who might find themselves out of favour with the power-brokers of the regime.
It is also a very effective way of reining in all Zanu bigwigs and associates, using threats and fear to limit their power.The man in charge of all this, Paul Mangwana (Anti-Corruption and Anti-Monopolies Minister), said government had re-invigorated the anti-corruption drive which would result in a number of high-profile personalities being arraigned before the courts, no doubt instilling fear into the hearts of many. It surely serves Mugabe's interests to keep everyone on their toes, none too confident and all thoroughly subservient, confirming the need to impose a unity of fear where there is no true unity.
Caught With Pants Down
Those who have recently been punished include Bright Matonga (Deputy Information Minister), Charles Nherera (Chairman of Zupco), John Bredenkamp (controversial tycoon and long-time friend of Zanu PF) and Samuel Muvuti (acting CEO of the GMB). Even Emmerson Mnangagwa, the one-time heir apparent, has been under investigation. Bright Matonga and Charles Nherera were arrested in July this year on corruption charges. The two are accused of having received USD10 000 each from a Mr Jayesh Shah to enable Shah to supply Zupco (the state-run transport company - and for "state" here, read "Zanu PF") with new busses. Nherera has also just recently been convicted in another corruption case involving soliciting a USD5 000 bribe for each bus supplied to Zupco by Shah. Ruling party sources said the arrest of Matonga had sent tremors through the Zanu PF establishment, indicating the levels of fear among them and, as evidence of the spreading net, the lawyers of the accused have asked Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa to specify and investigate Shah, the state's key witness in both their cases. This comes 2 weeks after the lawyer issued an ultimatum to the Attorney General's office demanding an explanation as to why Shah was granted immunity from prosecution in the graft case, and asking the question: "…why is Mr Shah an apparent sacred cow?"Samuel Muvuti, the acting CEO of the Grain Marketing Board parastatal (GMB) was arrested in August and charged under the country's Prevention of Corruption Act. He is alleged to have used workers from the grain company to work on his private farm in northern Zimbabwe.
Nelson Chamisa, the spokesman for the MDC Tsvangirai) said the arrest of Muvuti confirmed beyond reasonable doubt that the ruling Zanu PF party was the "breeding ground of corruption" and unbridled political patronage. "The MDC believes that his arrest is a token attempt by a cornered regime to be seen to be taking action on a serious scourge that has taken root in the higher echelons of Zanu PF and the government… Muvuti and …Nherera are just but small fish in a bigger pond replete with corrupt sharks and tigers… A genuine commitment to arrest unbridled corruption would basically mean this regime would have to incarcerate itself".
On that same subject, we think too of the use of huge numbers of civil servants and other government employees working on Mugabe's various farms, courtesy of Minister Made (as ever out to ingratiate himself with his patron). How does this regime have the temerity to charge Muvuti for offences which the dictator brazenly commits on a grand scale and without any questions raised?The succession debateConventional wisdom has it that the two principal contenders for the top job were Mnangagwa and Joice Mujuru, but a third has lately joined the fray: Gideon Gono.
The Gideon Gono Factor
Until the end of 2004, the heir-apparent to the Mugabe throne was Emmerson Mnangagwa - that is to say, in Mugabe's eyes, he was heir-apparent; he had many fellow contenders, but none appeared to have won Mugabe's favour in the same way. That all changed with what has now become known as the Tsholotsho Declaration, where dissenting heavy-weights like Mnangagwa, Jonathan Moyo and 6 provincial chairpersons were flushed out, caught in an apparent plot to orchestrate Mugabe's stepping down from power, and a new person stepping in.Mnangagwa was, until four years ago, the holder of the keys to Zanu PF's business empire, but has since been replaced.
Tied in to the anti-corruption drive is what is seen as a mission to push this man, the former Secretary for Administration, out of Zanu PF's succession stakes. Internal and external audits into Zanu PF companies have been threatened, as one of the main bases for the fresh blitz on corruption. John Bredenkamp has also been targeted and recently arrested but subsequently acquitted on charges of holding two passports - he was cited as a financier of his erstwhile ally Mnangagwa in a report allegedly compiled for Mugabe by former State Security Minister Nicholas Goche in the wake of the November 2004 Tsholotsho meeting. It was alleged that he had provided billions of dollars to fund Mnangagwa's campaign to become vice-president and eventually to succeed Mugabe. Bredenkamp has denied the claims but senior Zanu PF officials, in particular the faction led by retired army commander, General Solomon Mujuru, continue to view him with suspicion.
The media reports that Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) Governor Gideon Gono also has presidential aspirations. Until quite recently just a prominent banker, Gono has risen to power as head of the RBZ and clearly someone close to the ear of Mugabe. It is reported that Gono has provoked a storm of anger in ruling Zanu PF circles, not only angling for the presidency, but also taking upon himself powers beyond those normally given to the head of a country's central bank, and straying into the domain of fiscal, rather than purely monetary, policies. Whatever Gono's credentials as Governor of the RBZ, his most striking feature observed by ordinary Zimbabweans is his total subservience to Mugabe and his political agenda - a banker therefore trying to do the impossible, and not having the courage to confront the main cause of the country's economic plight.The Mujuru camp is said to be seething with anger at Gono over the new currency and has vowed to fight him to the end; they have also complained that Gono has been attacking their business interests by closing banks and companies. Just after the new currency was introduced, a group of angry ministers was apparently heard at a local restaurant in the Avenues, saying "Gono has gone too far and must be stopped now!" They were enraged because as members of cabinet they were not aware that new bearers cheques were being introduced on the Tuesday, the same day that cabinet meets, and when Gono announced the issue in Parliament, ministers appeared shocked. It appears that only Mugabe and the army and CIO knew about this in advance, which was seen by Zanu PF members as an indication that Gono had become embedded with Mugabe, and with state security and the army - widely seen in ruling party ranks as the building blocks to power. Interestingly, Gono remarked at a public meeting in Bulawayo, shortly after the launch of the new currency, that he would not be intimidated by people brandishing liberation war credentials, a statement seen as targeted directly at the Mujuru camp.
Gono has not endeared himself either to Herbert Murerwa: not even Murerwa, the Finance Minister, had been consulted in advance on the new currency initiative! Mutumwa Mawere, a now-exiled top Zimbabwean businessman, comments: "Through a combination of patronage and intimidation, Gono is now a feared man in Zimbabwe. He is effectively the CEO of Zimbabwe Inc. and has effective control of the state machinery and anyone who dares challenge him risks a lot".Until recently Vice-President Joice Mujuru appeared to be the front-runner in the succession stakes, it now appears that her plans have been torpedoed by her rivals: Mnangagwa and Gono. Even her own husband now appears to concede that she does not have what it takes to run the country and Zanu PF. The issue of who is to succeed Mugabe is clearly causing mighty divisions within the party, although one commentator noted that to expect Mugabe's voluntary retirement is day-dreaming, when he no longer trusts anyone. As The Standard newspaper reported at the beginning of September, "the false ray of hope created by misguided reports on Mugabe encouraging Zanu PF members to discuss his succession should be contextualized; those who dared to democratically influence the composition of the presidium were humiliated, sacked, demoted, managed, jailed and forgotten. Ask Prof Jonathan Moyo."
In the meantime, the party is splitting along its main fault lines.Personal ambitions and turf warsPolitics is a dirty game for the unscrupulous. It is therefore a good place to get even with one's enemy; certainly a good opportunity to wash someone else's dirty linen in a public place.Perhaps the most bizarre and unlikely of all the divisions emerging in the ruling party is that public example currently being made of Patrick Chinamasa, the Minister of Justice. Rather, as with Mnangagwa, it would have seemed inconceivable a few short years ago for someone so close to Mugabe to be allowed to be taken to court. Justice simply would not have prevailed, and any valid legal case would have been dropped quietly; it follows then, that the court case against Chinamasa has almost certainly been sanctioned by the top man himself.
Chinamasa has been brought to court in a complicated legal case, or rather series of cases. The background is as follows: James Kaunye, a war veteran, himself facing attempted murder charges, brought a charge against the supporters of Didymus Mutasa (National Security and Land Reform Minister), accusing those supporters of attacking him to try to stop him from running against Mutasa in the Zanu PF primary elections; those supporters have since been convicted of this crime; Chinamasa has now been charged by the state ("the state" - note carefully!) of trying to get Kaunye to withdraw the charges against Mutasa's supporters, promising him a senatorial seat if he did not challenge Mutasa.An added twist to the already complicated tale is that magistrates in Rusape refused to preside over Patrick Chinamasa's trial, alleging that Mutasa had accused them of being MDC members! Chinamasa was acquitted in early September after the court ruled that the state had dismally failed to prove a prima-facie case against him. However appeal papers have now been filed at the High Court, as the Attorney General claims that the lower court had erred in its judgement. Interestingly, after his acquittal, Chinamasa spoke to journalists and said that the motive of his prosecution was to humiliate and embarrass him and to cause him to be kicked out of the system. Clearly Chinamasa has fallen from grace. Not only so, but for reasons best known to themselves, those who wield effective power under Mugabe are clearly determined to fix him.All sorts of other ministers, senators and Zanu PF followers have also been reported as being at loggerheads with each other, often in petty personal or regional vendettas. These don't have the national implications of, say, the succession debate, but they do portray a party which is hopelessly divided. Such an outcome is hardly surprising, given that ZANU PF has no other real core convictions now, apart from the frenzied desire to stay in power and to plunder whatever national resources remain: the only unity possible is that imposed by the Godfather over the Mafia.First, there's the regional infighting detailed earlier in this article concerning Bright Matonga and the Zupco chairman, Nherera, which has its roots in the Mashonaland West power struggles.
Mash West Wars
Matonga is involved in a fight for land with farmer Tom Beattie, a self-confessed financier of the ruling party; it seems that senior Zanu PF officials in the province had sided with Beattie in the struggle, and "Matonga is paying the price", we are told.Then, still in Mashonaland West, Hurungwe West MP Cecilia Dausi Gwachiwa has been suspended, as she is suspected of cohabiting with a suspected MDC sympathizer - the newspapers have had fun with this one! The provincial executive, led by John Mafa, is seeking her ouster from the ruling party, but it seems that tribalism and regionalism were behind Gwachiwa's ordeal, as she is viewed as an outsider, coming originally from Manicaland. Heavily armed security agents have also stormed her government-allocated farm allegedly in search of weapons. Constituency members say that the incident was indicative of how the Zanu PF leadership in Mashonaland West was determined to kick Gwachiwa out of the party by raising "petty" personal issues against her.Thirdly, we have the long-standing regional turf war being played out in the City of Harare, where the residents are the only losers, and there are no winners.
Zanu PF's Harare province Secretary for Information and Publicity is reported as saying that there was concern among party members over Chombo's continued appointment of people from Mashonaland West to the commission running the affairs of the City of Harare; Chombo is the Minister for Local Government, Public Works and National Housing. There has been a recent, unprecedented, outburst from the Zanu PF executive in the capital, condemning Makwavarara's administration at Town House (she crossed the floor twice - once from Zanu PF to the MDC, and then back again, and has been put in charge of the interim commission appointed to run the City of Harare following the ouster of the MDC mayor). Zanu PF central committee members in Harare have publicly given her a vote of no confidence, but further action against her has been forestalled by Chombo's dogged defence of her and the party's concerns over an all-out war. The powers that be in the Harare province of the ruling party believe that Makwavarara does not have the capacity to turn around the fortunes of the city, once dubbed Sunshine City. It is reported to be Zanu PF politburo member Tendai Savanhu (believed to harbour ambitions to run the affairs of the city himself), versus Makwavarara and Chombo. Savanhu appears to be the force behind the Zanu PF faction baying for the lady's blood.The crux of the matter is in this: Zanu PF Harare province has said that the continued extension of the Makwavarara commission's term would jeopardize the ruling party's chances of making an impact in any election in Harare. Now that is something of great concern to Zanu PF, who are determined not to relinquish power for fear of the benefits they will lose, and for fear that their past sins will be uncovered by a new regime. "Makwavarara's case is being discussed in the highest echelons of Zanu PF….", we're told - we can believe it!
Matebeleland Wars,
And not to be outdone, Matabeleland has its fair share of regional infighting too. Andrew Langa (the Deputy Minister of Environment and Tourism, and MP for Insiza) has reported his Zanu PF colleague Sithembiso Nyoni to the Police (Nyoni is the Minister of Small and Medium-Scale Enterprises and Development - the one who can't seem to win any election of her own). Langa alleges that Nyoni threatened him on the phone following a farmers' meeting in Fort Rixon to discuss stock theft. At that meeting, Langa apparently told the farmers that senior politicians in the area were behind the stock thefts, but did not mention any names; Nyoni saw this as a personal attack, and thence followed the phone call leading to the charge against her.
And party members from the Women's League demonstrated against the MP for Bubi Umguza, Obert Mpofu, on allegations of untoward behaviour against the party members and leadership.
Part 11 of this article will be published for Friday, Tomorrow.
Tuesday, October 24, 2006
ZCTU Presser Tomorrow 25 October 2006
All Journalists
The Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) invites you to a Press Conference to be held at the ZCTU Regional Offices, 5th Floor
Construction House, Leopold Takawira/Nelson Mandela Avenue at 2:00pm on Wednesday 25 October 2006.
The press conference is about the High Court judgment on the Police/Army brutality where 4 workers were shot and killed during a
demonstration at ZISCOSTEEL in 2001
The case has dragged on until the recent High Court judgment
The ZCTU will also talk about Police brutality perpetrated on ZCTU members during the September 13 demonstrations.
For more information please contact, Mlamleli Sibanda
All Journalists
The Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) invites you to a Press Conference to be held at the ZCTU Regional Offices, 5th Floor
Construction House, Leopold Takawira/Nelson Mandela Avenue at 2:00pm on Wednesday 25 October 2006.
The press conference is about the High Court judgment on the Police/Army brutality where 4 workers were shot and killed during a
demonstration at ZISCOSTEEL in 2001
The case has dragged on until the recent High Court judgment
The ZCTU will also talk about Police brutality perpetrated on ZCTU members during the September 13 demonstrations.
For more information please contact, Mlamleli Sibanda
Reporters Without Borders, Press Freedom Rankings, Zimbabwe 140th
Press freedom is genuine is Benin (23rd), Namibia (26th), Mauritius 32nd), Ghana (34th), Mali (35th), South Africa (44th) and Cape Verde (45th) and comparable to that in Western democracies. It does not exist or is constantly under attack in Eritrea (166th), Gambia (149th), Somalia (144th), Democratic Republic of Congo (142nd), Zimbabwe (140th) and Equatorial Guinea (137th). The same African countries have featured at the top and bottom of the Index for several years.
Nepal has moved one step up in Worldwide Press Freedom Index issued by Reporters Without Borders on Monday. Moving one step up, Nepal's ranking for 2006 in Press Freedom is 159.
Press freedom in Nepal has shifted according to the state of the fighting that has disrupted the country for several years, stated a press release issued by Reporters Without Borders. The released further added, the "democratic revolution" and the revolt against the monarchy in April this year led immediately to more basic freedoms and the country should gain a lot of ground in next year's Index.
According to the release, new countries have moved ahead of some Western democracies in the fifth annual Reporters Without Borders Worldwide Press Freedom Index, while the most repressive countries are still the same ones.
"Unfortunately nothing has changed in the countries that are the worst predators of press freedom," the organisation said, "and journalists in North Korea, Eritrea, Turkmenistan, Cuba, Burma and China are still risking their life or imprisonment for trying to keep us informed. These situations are extremely serious and it is urgent that leaders of these countries accept criticism and stop routinely cracking down on the media so harshly," stated the release.
"Each year new countries in less-developed parts of the world move up the Index to positions above some European countries or the United States. This is good news and shows once again that, even though very poor, countries can be very observant of freedom of expression. Meanwhile the steady erosion of press freedom in the United States, France and Japan is extremely alarming," Reporters Without Borders said.
The three worst violators of free expression, according to the Reporters Without Borders -- are North Korea, bottom of the Index at 168th place, Turkmenistan (167th) and Eritrea (166th) -- have clamped down further.
Press freedom is genuine is Benin (23rd), Namibia (26th), Mauritius 32nd), Ghana (34th), Mali (35th), South Africa (44th) and Cape Verde (45th) and comparable to that in Western democracies. It does not exist or is constantly under attack in Eritrea (166th), Gambia (149th), Somalia (144th), Democratic Republic of Congo (142nd), Zimbabwe (140th) and Equatorial Guinea (137th). The same African countries have featured at the top and bottom of the Index for several years.
Nepal has moved one step up in Worldwide Press Freedom Index issued by Reporters Without Borders on Monday. Moving one step up, Nepal's ranking for 2006 in Press Freedom is 159.
Press freedom in Nepal has shifted according to the state of the fighting that has disrupted the country for several years, stated a press release issued by Reporters Without Borders. The released further added, the "democratic revolution" and the revolt against the monarchy in April this year led immediately to more basic freedoms and the country should gain a lot of ground in next year's Index.
According to the release, new countries have moved ahead of some Western democracies in the fifth annual Reporters Without Borders Worldwide Press Freedom Index, while the most repressive countries are still the same ones.
"Unfortunately nothing has changed in the countries that are the worst predators of press freedom," the organisation said, "and journalists in North Korea, Eritrea, Turkmenistan, Cuba, Burma and China are still risking their life or imprisonment for trying to keep us informed. These situations are extremely serious and it is urgent that leaders of these countries accept criticism and stop routinely cracking down on the media so harshly," stated the release.
"Each year new countries in less-developed parts of the world move up the Index to positions above some European countries or the United States. This is good news and shows once again that, even though very poor, countries can be very observant of freedom of expression. Meanwhile the steady erosion of press freedom in the United States, France and Japan is extremely alarming," Reporters Without Borders said.
The three worst violators of free expression, according to the Reporters Without Borders -- are North Korea, bottom of the Index at 168th place, Turkmenistan (167th) and Eritrea (166th) -- have clamped down further.
Letter from Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights-Otto Saki
On The Promised Amendments of AIPPA run yesterday by ZimJournalists Arise
They should start walking the talk; we are used to talking the talking! “workable alternatives”- watch out for this phraseology who determines what’s workable and what’s not?
On The Promised Amendments of AIPPA run yesterday by ZimJournalists Arise
They should start walking the talk; we are used to talking the talking! “workable alternatives”- watch out for this phraseology who determines what’s workable and what’s not?
Monday, October 23, 2006
Nyarota OnLine.
Welcome Back To Zimbabwean Journalism Geoff
Additional Reporting From IJNET
Veteran journo and award winning editor, Geoff Nyarota ‘s news website has finally hit cyberspace after a short delay.Nyarota, who needs no introduction in Zimbabwean media and politics is currently in exile in the USA.
Here is the news website’s mission statement.
The Zimbabwe Times will provide a superior, reliable and credible medium for the dissemination of news and information on Zimbabwe. An audience based inside Zimbabwe as well as outside, in the vast Diaspora, will be targeted. A team of credible and well-respected Zimbabwean journalists and writers will contribute well-researched, well-sourced and well-written articles.
Relying on in-depth investigation into issues and analysis of events, as well as trail-blazing and courageous journalism Zimbabwe Times will publish news without fear or favour. Quality, fairness, independence, public and national interest, as well as relevance will be the cornerstones of editorial policy.
The publication will not be beholden to any sectoral interests, whether, political, business, social, religious, ethnic or racial.The Zimbabwe Times will provide a highly reliable and credible source of news and information to Zimbabwean citizens as well as non-Zimbabweans with a legitimate interest in the wellbeing, progress and success of the nation.
Accordingly, The Zimbabwe Times will always strive to be a respected, respectable and influential player on Zimbabwe’s political, economic and social landscape. The Zimbabwe Times will always endeavour to rally the Zimbabwean community together to form a united front in their ongoing pursuit of democracy, justice, fairness, good governance and economic development.
The publication will keep news-starved Zimbabweans adequately informed on matters of public interest, however sensitive or provocative. The quest to keep Zimbabweans well informed is motivated by a genuine belief that peace, sustainable development and economic prosperity are the final destiny of our beautiful and fair country.The Zimbabwe Times will conduct its business at the highest professional and ethical level possible, while providing the advertising community with a dependable and reputable medium through which to market or promote their commodities, products or
services.
A report by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), which was launched one year, to the day before The Zimbabwe Times.com was launched, found that hundreds of Zimbabwean journalists live in exile in South Africa, the United Kingdom and the United States where they work to continue investigative reporting. Exiled journalists often struggle to get accurate, investigative information due to resources, distance and government control inside the country, the report found.
The Link is
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com
Talk about not being able to keep a good journalist down.
Welcome Back To Zimbabwean Journalism Geoff
Additional Reporting From IJNET
Veteran journo and award winning editor, Geoff Nyarota ‘s news website has finally hit cyberspace after a short delay.Nyarota, who needs no introduction in Zimbabwean media and politics is currently in exile in the USA.
Here is the news website’s mission statement.
The Zimbabwe Times will provide a superior, reliable and credible medium for the dissemination of news and information on Zimbabwe. An audience based inside Zimbabwe as well as outside, in the vast Diaspora, will be targeted. A team of credible and well-respected Zimbabwean journalists and writers will contribute well-researched, well-sourced and well-written articles.
Relying on in-depth investigation into issues and analysis of events, as well as trail-blazing and courageous journalism Zimbabwe Times will publish news without fear or favour. Quality, fairness, independence, public and national interest, as well as relevance will be the cornerstones of editorial policy.
The publication will not be beholden to any sectoral interests, whether, political, business, social, religious, ethnic or racial.The Zimbabwe Times will provide a highly reliable and credible source of news and information to Zimbabwean citizens as well as non-Zimbabweans with a legitimate interest in the wellbeing, progress and success of the nation.
Accordingly, The Zimbabwe Times will always strive to be a respected, respectable and influential player on Zimbabwe’s political, economic and social landscape. The Zimbabwe Times will always endeavour to rally the Zimbabwean community together to form a united front in their ongoing pursuit of democracy, justice, fairness, good governance and economic development.
The publication will keep news-starved Zimbabweans adequately informed on matters of public interest, however sensitive or provocative. The quest to keep Zimbabweans well informed is motivated by a genuine belief that peace, sustainable development and economic prosperity are the final destiny of our beautiful and fair country.The Zimbabwe Times will conduct its business at the highest professional and ethical level possible, while providing the advertising community with a dependable and reputable medium through which to market or promote their commodities, products or
services.
A report by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), which was launched one year, to the day before The Zimbabwe Times.com was launched, found that hundreds of Zimbabwean journalists live in exile in South Africa, the United Kingdom and the United States where they work to continue investigative reporting. Exiled journalists often struggle to get accurate, investigative information due to resources, distance and government control inside the country, the report found.
The Link is
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com
Talk about not being able to keep a good journalist down.
AIPPA To Be Ammended???
Report by ZimDaily
(UK)
The Acting Minister of Information and Publicity Munyaradzi Paul Mangwana says the government is willing to discuss and repeal certain sections of the restrictive Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) that curtail media freedom.
Addressing journalists at the Quill Club, the national press club in Harare, Minister Mangwana reiterated his support for the establishment of an independent self-regulatory media council. He said the government was forced to come up with the statutory Media and Information Commission (MIC) because as the fourth estate, the media could not operate without some form of regulation to protect “national interest”.
“Show me a workable self-regulatory body and we can talk,” he said adding that the government was willing to repeal sections of AIPPA that impede journalistic freedom.
Edited
Report by ZimDaily
(UK)
The Acting Minister of Information and Publicity Munyaradzi Paul Mangwana says the government is willing to discuss and repeal certain sections of the restrictive Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) that curtail media freedom.
Addressing journalists at the Quill Club, the national press club in Harare, Minister Mangwana reiterated his support for the establishment of an independent self-regulatory media council. He said the government was forced to come up with the statutory Media and Information Commission (MIC) because as the fourth estate, the media could not operate without some form of regulation to protect “national interest”.
“Show me a workable self-regulatory body and we can talk,” he said adding that the government was willing to repeal sections of AIPPA that impede journalistic freedom.
Edited
Thursday, October 19, 2006
Nyarota Launches News Online Website
Congratulations Geoff!!!!!
Report by Financial Gazette
Additional Reporting by ZimJournalists Arise
Tomorrow journalist, Geoffrey Nyarota, launches the country’s newest Internet publication, The Zimbabwe Times. com.
Nyarota, the founder and editor of the banned Daily News since its inception in 1999 until January 2003, said The Zimbabwe Times.com is an initiative driven by Zimbabwean media practitioners in Zimbabwe, South Africa, the United Kingdom and the United States, where he is currently based. Nyarota is the online publication’s managing editor.
“The project is driven by a passionate and patriotic desire to expand media space in a country where press freedom has been methodically curtailed by a government committed to keeping mainstream media under effective control, while denying the public full access to information.
“The population of Zimbabwe has, therefore, become increasingly starved of meaningful information of interest and relevance. We are elated that we are able to join and to complement the effort of the growing family of independent Internet-based Zimbabwean publications, all contributing in their own way to the crusade to keep Zimbabweans well informed, as is their democratic right.
“We seek to provide a vibrant, quality, reliable and credible medium for the dissemination of news and information for the benefit of a readership based in as well as outside Zimbabwe, in the vast Diaspora,” Nyarota said.
He said that a team of competent and well-respected journalists and writers will contribute to the news site.
“Relying on in-depth investigation into issues and analysis of events, as well as trail-blazing and courageous journalism, The Zimbabwe Times will publish without fear or favour.
Quality, fairness, independence, public and national interest, as well as relevance will be the keystone of editorial policy.
“The Zimbabwe Times will not, in any way, be beholden to any sectoral interests, whether, political, business, social, religious, ethnic or racial. An innovative feature of The Zimbabwe Times will be a special column where all political parties and independent politicians are invited to have their say, as and when they wish, while also addressing questions from members of the public.”
The news site is accessible through the link thezimbabwetimes.com.
Geoff Nyarota is what most people would call the doyen of Zimbabwean, who during his stint with the Daily News, saw the paper winning an International Award for Publishing Excellence in 2003.
Nyarota is an award-winning investigative journalist, newspaper editor, and media entrepreneur, with more than 31 years of experience in Zimbabwe and southern Africa. Currently, he is a Visiting Professor of Political Studies at Bard College in Upstate New York. Previously, he was a Guest Professor in the Department of Media and Communication at the University of Oslo in Norway.
Also Under His Belt Nyarota has
Been a member of the team of African journalists who drafted the Windhoek Declaration in Namibia, back in 1991.
A Nieman Fellow at Harvard University and a research fellow at the Carr Center for Human Rights Policy, also at Harvard.
Has received a total of nine international media awards for his work as a journalist and for his contribution to the development of the independent press in Zimbabwe which include
the Golden Pen of Freedom of the World Association of Newspapers (2002)
UNESCO's own Guillermo Cano World Press Freedom Award, (2002).
Exposed and covered the controversial Willowgate Scandal
Wrote an equally controversial book “Against the Grain” (ZimJournalists Arise has just received a copy)
Other Zimbabwean Websites Are
www.zimonline.co.za
www.newzimbabwe.com
www.changezimbabwe.com
www.zimdaily.com
www.zimobserver.com
Tell us what you think of this launch, do you think there are too many websites on Zimbabwe or should this be seen as opening up media space that will enhance quality?.
Congratulations Geoff!!!!!
Report by Financial Gazette
Additional Reporting by ZimJournalists Arise
Tomorrow journalist, Geoffrey Nyarota, launches the country’s newest Internet publication, The Zimbabwe Times. com.
Nyarota, the founder and editor of the banned Daily News since its inception in 1999 until January 2003, said The Zimbabwe Times.com is an initiative driven by Zimbabwean media practitioners in Zimbabwe, South Africa, the United Kingdom and the United States, where he is currently based. Nyarota is the online publication’s managing editor.
“The project is driven by a passionate and patriotic desire to expand media space in a country where press freedom has been methodically curtailed by a government committed to keeping mainstream media under effective control, while denying the public full access to information.
“The population of Zimbabwe has, therefore, become increasingly starved of meaningful information of interest and relevance. We are elated that we are able to join and to complement the effort of the growing family of independent Internet-based Zimbabwean publications, all contributing in their own way to the crusade to keep Zimbabweans well informed, as is their democratic right.
“We seek to provide a vibrant, quality, reliable and credible medium for the dissemination of news and information for the benefit of a readership based in as well as outside Zimbabwe, in the vast Diaspora,” Nyarota said.
He said that a team of competent and well-respected journalists and writers will contribute to the news site.
“Relying on in-depth investigation into issues and analysis of events, as well as trail-blazing and courageous journalism, The Zimbabwe Times will publish without fear or favour.
Quality, fairness, independence, public and national interest, as well as relevance will be the keystone of editorial policy.
“The Zimbabwe Times will not, in any way, be beholden to any sectoral interests, whether, political, business, social, religious, ethnic or racial. An innovative feature of The Zimbabwe Times will be a special column where all political parties and independent politicians are invited to have their say, as and when they wish, while also addressing questions from members of the public.”
The news site is accessible through the link thezimbabwetimes.com.
Geoff Nyarota is what most people would call the doyen of Zimbabwean, who during his stint with the Daily News, saw the paper winning an International Award for Publishing Excellence in 2003.
Nyarota is an award-winning investigative journalist, newspaper editor, and media entrepreneur, with more than 31 years of experience in Zimbabwe and southern Africa. Currently, he is a Visiting Professor of Political Studies at Bard College in Upstate New York. Previously, he was a Guest Professor in the Department of Media and Communication at the University of Oslo in Norway.
Also Under His Belt Nyarota has
Been a member of the team of African journalists who drafted the Windhoek Declaration in Namibia, back in 1991.
A Nieman Fellow at Harvard University and a research fellow at the Carr Center for Human Rights Policy, also at Harvard.
Has received a total of nine international media awards for his work as a journalist and for his contribution to the development of the independent press in Zimbabwe which include
the Golden Pen of Freedom of the World Association of Newspapers (2002)
UNESCO's own Guillermo Cano World Press Freedom Award, (2002).
Exposed and covered the controversial Willowgate Scandal
Wrote an equally controversial book “Against the Grain” (ZimJournalists Arise has just received a copy)
Other Zimbabwean Websites Are
www.zimonline.co.za
www.newzimbabwe.com
www.changezimbabwe.com
www.zimdaily.com
www.zimobserver.com
Tell us what you think of this launch, do you think there are too many websites on Zimbabwe or should this be seen as opening up media space that will enhance quality?.
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